The Limits of Debate on War With Iran

John Glaser, January 23, 2012

As prominent voices in the U.S. pontificate about a looming nuclear bomb in Iran, as fleets of U.S. navy warships demonstrate provocative militarism in the Persian Gulf, and as Israel uses its committed constituency in America to push for a preemptive military strike, war with Iran seems ever closer. But even someone as deeply concerned as I am about attacking Iran (on false pretenses no less), can recognize that there is significant aversion within official circles to doing such a thing. The problem is, these “antiwar-with-Iran” voices are still squarely in the threaten, provoke, sanction, and covertly attack Iran camp. The debate is limited to those who want to recklessly bomb Iran to smithereens and those who would rather stick to secret, small-scale war.

The calls for war are ubiquitous. Even if its an attempt to throw red meat to the Republican base, you have top GOP presidential candidate Mitt Romney consistently pledging he would “prepare for war” with Iran, that he would “put together a plan to show Iran that we have the capacity to remove them militarily from their plans to have nuclear weaponry.” Gingrich has approximately the same position. Rick Santorum is worse, saying he wouldn’t stop at just “degrading [Iran's nuclear] facilities through airstrikes,” but that he would also “say to any foreign scientist that’s going into Iran to help on their [nuclear] program, you will be treated like an enemy combatant, like an al-Qaida member.”

Mark Helprin in the Wall Street Journal recently wrote that any President “fit for the office” should “order the armed forces of the United States to attack and destroy the Iranian nuclear weapons complex” (via lobelog). Former CIA director James Woolsey and Reagan administration National Security Advisor Robert McFarlane recently hinted war was necessary in the National Review that “Although much damage to that infrastructure is possible with air strikes, it is also true that if the regime is left intact it will exploit any attack limited to nuclear installations to rally the nation behind the regime.” Former Bush administration ambassador to the U.N. John Bolton said on Fox News that “half-measures like assassinations or sanctions are only going to produce the crisis more quickly. The better way to prevent Iran from getting nuclear weapons is to attack its nuclear weapons program directly.” Matthew Kroenig, Georgetown professor and fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations wrote a piece in Foreign Affairs, the title of which said it all: “Time to Attack Iran.”

But this heedless chorus for war is not unified. There are many prominent figures in both the U.S. and Israeli military and intelligence communities that are pushing back, saying loudly that we should not attack Iran because it would be both premature and a bloody, expensive catastrophe. This fact may prevent or delay a military strike on Iran, despite all of the war hype going on for the past few weeks. The problem is that while these people are arguing against war, none of them are arguing for peace.

In response to Kroenig’s piece in Foreign Affairs, Colin Kahl, who was Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense of the Middle East until December, wrote his own entitled “Not Time to Attack Iran.” But he also thinks that the “forty thousand U.S. troops” that are “stationed in the Gulf, accompanied by strike aircraft, two aircraft carrier strike groups, two Aegis ballistic missile defense ships, and multiple Patriot antimissile systems” should perhaps be “supplemented by a limited forward deployment of nuclear weapons and additional ballistic missile defenses.” Nice. Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta, too, has warned against attacking Iran on the grounds that it would have disastrous unintended consequences for the region. But he also has said that U.S. military presence surrounding Iran and particularly in the Gulf will not change. Former Israeli Mossad chief Mier Dagan has argued that going to war with Iran preemptively would be disastrous to life, treasure, and security, and Ehud Barak has said an attack on Iran is “far off” but neither has spoken out about the current militaristic postures. Former CIA and National Security Agency (NSA) chief Gen. Michael Hayden on Thursday  argued against attacking Iran, saying it “would guarantee that which we are trying to prevent — an Iran that will spare nothing to build a nuclear weapon and that would build it in secret.” He followed up by explicitly endorsing the violent covert actions against Iran, including supporting proxies inside Iran to destabilize the regime.

These are the parameters within which it is acceptable to talk about U.S. foreign policy towards Iran, and in general. The prospect of war with Iran is so glaringly obvious that even the sociopathic jingoes in the American foreign policy and military establishment recognize it would be a calamity. But that can only go so far: there is an unabashed consensus supporting the actions that are currently paving the road to war. Everybody in officialdom believes we ought to be garrisoning Iran’s surroundings with troops and weaponry, undermining Iran’s civilian nuclear program through aggressive covert action, crippling the economy with sanctions, and supporting rebels inside Iran that aim at regime change. These policies have led us to our current precarious position on the cusp of war. The limits of debate are so narrow so as to only allow room for (1) advocates of war and (2) advocates of policies that will probably lead to war. What is the likely outcome?




15 Responses to “The Limits of Debate on War With Iran”

  1. It's important to acknowledge that we are already at war with Iran. None of our actions would be construed as anything but a blatant act of war were the roles reversed. If China had parked 1/3 of the world's nuclear powered vessels and a huge invasion force in the Gulf of Mexico and occupied Canada and Mexico; while conducting a relentless campaign of terrorism within our borders, what would the response be? What would ANYONE's conclusion be at such a turn of events? Add to that a Cuba-like embargo and sanctions on all US Banks starting with The Fed…

    The Iranians have shown a titanic amount of restraint in the face of such adversity.

  2. Which is why I hate the mainstream media soooo much! Its worse than useless, its dangerous! Unfortunately, the average American gets all their information from these sources!

  3. [...] U.S. policy in the last couple of presidential eras has demonstrated complete acceptance of North Korea’s megalomaniacal leadership attaining nuclear weapons. In 2003 though, make-believe weapons of mass destruction in Saddam Hussein’s Iraq were enough of a threat to start an illegal war that killed hundreds of thousands of people, cost unfathomable amounts of money, and is still wreaking havoc on Americans, Iraqis, and the region. And now again, a nuclear program in Iran that everybody agrees has no military component is worth the world’s most crippling sanctions, provocative militarism, and outright calls for preemptive war. [...]

  4. I like the analysis, but besides that, what do you propose to do instead? did not read even one idea.

  5. Our media presents a false choice in dealing with Iran: sanctions v. bombings. And since sanctions are just intermediate stepping-stones to war, the false choice presented comes down to bombing Iran now versus bombing Iran soon.

    Engagement – a real, genuine engagement which recognizes Iran's security concerns and rights under the NPT – are never presented as an option

  6. [...] on IranCNN (blog)The Point of No ReturnFamily Security MattersCouncil on Foreign Relations -Antiwar.com (blog) -Voice of Americaall 5,806 news [...]

  7. usa will never attack iran. 100% guarantee. the empire cannot sustain itself on war that is a fact

  8. you fail to connect domestic and regional dots. israel pushes for a war because it wants to facilitate conditions to further cleanse thw eset bank. last year we were assigned this piece:
    http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/136008

  9. “The smart way to keep people passive and obedient is to strictly limit the spectrum of acceptable opinion, but allow very lively debate within that spectrum…That gives people the sense that there's free thinking going on, while all the time the presuppositions of the system are being reinforced by the limits put on the range of the debate.”
    — Noam Chomsky

  10. War can only be won if the victor is able to kill and destroy enough people and assets to demoralize the defeated nation to the point that they no longer wish to fight. Are we really prepared to wage a war to totally wipe out radical Islaam? I don't think we have the stomach to do that. So, we would end up with a protracted unwinable war that would drag on and on until we eventually give up and pull out. What's worse, is that this war (unlike Iraq) would carry the threat of nuclear consequences.

  11. Remember, no matter how many bombs are dropped, it is impossible to win a war unless the defeated nation gives up. Japan gave up, sparing us the necessitity to invade. But there were those in Japan that would have continued to fight on with a terroristic war had not the emperor pronounced an end to the fighting. Despite the political correctness of the administration our enemy is not Iran, but rather radical Islaam. In other words we are fighting a religious war. I fear this war because religious zealotry is virtually undefeatable (short of killing every man, woman, and child who holds any affiliation with radical Islaam). If we are truly worried about Iran's nuclear capability, then why not provide Israel with nuclear warheads capable of being fired into Iran? Mutually assured destruction successfully prevented the cold war from destroying the planet; it seems to me that is a strong arguement for saying such a policy might work again. As radical as that sounds, it seems less risky than even limited surgicals strikes in Iran. Remember that there are multiple nuclear sites which would have to be hit – surely there would be many unintended consequences, perhaps even disastrous ones.

  12. [...] cyber attacks, proxy wars, and continuing to encircle Iran militarily. As I wrote in a post on the limits of debate on Iran: “The limits of debate are so narrow so as to only allow room for (1) advocates of war and [...]

  13. U.S can't do such things because it's not in favour of anyone. On the other hand Now U.S is also in difficult situation in Afghanistan and Iraq and trying to be separate from them in any condition.

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  15. Engagement – a real, genuine engagement which recognizes Iran's security concerns and rights under the NPT – are never presented as an option