February 18, 2003
Holding
Out for Hope?
Perhaps
it's being pleasantly surprised at just how large the antiwar demonstrations
around the world were last weekend. Perhaps it's the stubborn conviction
that sooner or later enough people will figure out, and communicate
to the administration, that the odds are strongly in favor of almost
every problem a war is supposed to address being made worse by a
war than made better. But I can't help believing that it is still
possible that the war on Iraq will not occur as a military conflict.
I'm
probably wrong to have even that glimmer of hope, of course. A president
who already sees foreign relations from a troublingly personal perspective
– remember how he thought he could read Russian president Vladimir
Putin's soul after meeting him? – has a substantial personal investment
in this war. Troops and equipment have been moved into the region,
each phase of the UN consultation and inspection process has been
read as further buttressing (if sometimes temporarily delaying)
the case for war. If he stands down or backs off now, the president
is likely to be seen in many quarters, and perhaps most importantly
in his own mind, as indecisive and a bit wimpy.
William
Saletan on slate.com has said that by standing firm Friday rather
than raising the bar for hostilities, the antiwar Security Council
members have made a divorce between the UN and the United States
inevitable. The U.S. will proceed now, with its "coalition
of the willing" and leave the Security Council to sputter or
cheer as it chooses. I suspect the conviction that the administration
is resolved to go ahead with the attack whatever anyone says is
behind the New York Times' recent tilt toward tough talk
aimed at Saddam Hussein.
MASSIVE
PROTESTS
But
there were those protests, moving beyond the fringes into something
resembling the mainstream in a number of countries. Even though
administration spokespeople sluffed them off, however, the protests
were, by most news accounts, larger than most organizers had expected
and in some cases the largest in living memory.
To
be sure, as Australian Prime Minister John Howard noted, "you
can't measure public opinion just by the number of people that turn
up at demonstrations." And it would be unwise to accept any
estimate of the number of people who demonstrated against a war
with Iraq over the weekend – organizers in Rome estimated 3 million
while police said 650,000, London organizers said 2 million while
police said 750,000, and so on, around the world. However many turned
out, the numbers were impressive. Perhaps – perhaps almost certainly
– it wasn't as many as the 30 million worldwide (6 million in Europe)
that the Guardian in London estimated in its lead. But
in Germany both police and organizers agreed that they were probably
the largest demonstrations since the Federal Republic was formed
50 years ago. The first all-woman demonstration in Oman, at the
southern end of the Gulf, attracted 200 peace demonstraters. Some
70 city councils in the United States have passed anti-war resolutions.
DIAGNOSING
THE DEMONSTRATORS
Why
so many? On the one hand there's no real war yet, no bodybags returning
from foreign lands, no draft. There's a general impression extant
that the antiwar movement was a pervasive part of the Sixties, but
in fact it was almost non-existent during the first few years of
U.S. involvement in Vietnam – and declined rather sharply after
former president Nixon ended the draft and the immediate vulnerability
of tens of thousands of college students.
On
the other hand we have the Internet, with established sites – like
antiwar.com, as well as sites like commondreams.org, moveon.org
and unitedforpeace.org. These sites can not only communicate instantly
with potential protestors, they can and in some cases do raise money
for expenses; the Washington Times said United for Peace
and Justice raised much of its money through the Net. (This site,
while providing links to organizers, does not actively organize
itself, focusing more on news and information, and can always use
money. Let your conscience
write your check.)
At
this point many protesters are clearly on the fringes, eager to
use the war as a way to draw attention to Mumia Abu Jamal, globalization,
George Dubya's alleged intellectual shortcomings and a host of dubious
leftist causes. But it does look – I'll wait for more firsthand
accounts from a variety of sources before settling in on a more
settled impression – as if these protests this weekend demonstrated
a certain broadening of the movement. One lady at church with whom
I talked Sunday went to the protest in San Diego with her clergyman
husband and came away impressed with a turnout of 5,000 diverse
and peaceful demonstrators in what is still to a great extent a
Navy town. It will be fascinating to see how this movement develops,
if it does.
SECOND
THOUGHTS
Potentially
the most desirable outcome would be for waves of second thoughts
to hit middle-class Americans and politicians of the great middle
over whether this is the issue over which the United States embraces
the idea of a preventive war – not a pre-emptive war, for the threat
is potential and speculative however alarming the worst-case scenario
– whenever it decides it is appropriate to do so. Do we want to
become the aggressor against a third-rate tinpot dictator, however
distasteful or even abominable he may be?
There
are plenty of other reasons to pay attention and think twice. It
is almost certain – these are complex events and I have no crystal
ball but reasonable projections are worth considering – that going
ahead with a war will make many of the problems put forward as justification
for war, including expanded terrorism, the threat of the use of
"weapons of mass destruction," and the destabilization
of the region.
TERRORISM,
WEAPONS, DESTABILIZATION
Whether
the Osama bin Laden tapes released last week were bona fide or not,
despite the way the U.S. government chose to spin them, they did
not demonstrate an alliance between Iraq and al Qaida. Indeed, the
tape speaker went out of his way to denounce the Ba'athist regime
and declare that it too will pass come the Islamic apocalypse, even
as he declared a marriage of sorts of convenience against the evil
U.S. of A. The tapes mainly showed that Osama (or the tape releaser)
is an opportunist. It was the U.S. insistence that Iraq is the next
enemy who requires regime change that gave him the opportunity to
use a possible U.S. invasion as a recruiting tool.
Likewise,
CIA director George Tenet has still not backed away entirely from
his assessment made last fall that Saddam is more likely to use
chemical and biological weapons if there is a war than if there
is not. If the war goes well for the U.S. from a strictly military
perspective, Saddam could decide he's a goner anyway and he might
as well arrange for some excruciating American deaths. Outright
terrorists might be able to capture nasty weapons during the chaos
of war, or lower-level Iraqi officers might decide to pass some
out to terrorists before their final defeat.
The
threat of the use of chemical and biological weapons is admittedly
larger than zero without a war (depending on how long and how aggressively
inspections continue, or on other factors I'm in no position to
know), but it seems simply commonsensical that the threat increases
during a war.
Finally,
even in the fondest regimes of neoconservative ideologues – democracy
imposed after a swift defeat is so successful in Iraq that the other
countries go for the democratic gold on their own without threats
or military action from the U.S. – there will be a certain degree
of destabilization. Indeed, many are open about the fact that the
real goal is to change the entire region drastically.
Now
I have no fondness for autocratic despotisms that are the rule in
the Middle East, and would shed few tears if they all fell. But
in addition to having mostly contemptible regimes, the region also
has virtually no history of democratic rule or even for much demand
for democratic rule. To move in that direction will be inherently
destabilizing – destabilizing in a good way, the Michael Ledeens
and Victor Hansons and Charles Krauthammers would no doubt argue,
but destabilization nonetheless.
A
region undergoing profound destabilizing change is always subject
to surprises and unintended, unanticipated consequences. And if
it doesn't happen smoothly – if a thirst for quasi-democratic reform
occurs in conjunction with a renewed determination of the existing
regime to prevent such unwelcome developments – it could all get
quite bloody. Furthermore, if genuinely democratic societies did
ensue, there is the far-from-infeasible possibility that some of
the countries would get Islamic fundamentalist regimes through the
ballot box rather than the bullet, giving some unregenerate terrorists
direct access to state resources rather than requiring them to use
subterfuge, guerrilla violence or deception to acquire various ways
and means.
And
we haven't even talked about the cost of the war in money and American
and Iraqi blood, let alone the cost of occupation.
I'm
not saying that the rosy scenario of swift victory, democratization,
regional democratization, reconciliation with Israel and ensuing
peace and prosperity is impossible. But it doesn't seem the most
likely scenario. It is almost certain to be messier, and the results
more ambiguous, than the most optimistic hawks anticipate. And I
think an increasing number of Americans, perhaps including a few
in the administration, might come to similar assessments.
It
is the hope that somebody, perhaps the broad and apparent consensus
of the American people, comes to similar conclusions and gets to
people in the administration before the die is cast irrevocably
that gives me a small glimmer of optimism. Perhaps a graceful way
can be found for Dubya to back down, or to be able to say that he
achieved his goals without resorting to war and isn't he wise as
well as resolute. I can think of a few possibilities, but I'm not
sure what, if anything, would convince President Bush and other
key players.
Surely
some people in the nation's capital can grasp the possibillity that
a war will make many aspects of the Middle East situation worse
rather than better for the U.S. Perhaps they can help to find a
face-saving compromise. Sorry I can't claim to have a ready-made
solution guaranteed to work (depending on one's objectives, of course),
but I'm not a utopian. I simply believe war is quite possibly the
worst approach.
Alan Bock
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