Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes
(I fear the Greeks even when they bring gifts)
-Virgil
Sharon's recently announced intention to unilaterally
evacuate the occupied Gaza Strip did come as a surprise. Up to the last couple
of months, the so-called founding father of Jewish settlements in the occupied
territories had insisted that no settlement would be dismantled, at least not
before a final peace agreement with the Palestinians was reached which practically
means forever, since Sharon believes a peace agreement is unreachable in any
foreseeable future (quite correct, given Israel's rejectionist positions). And
now, all of a sudden, the announced evacuation of Gaza. Has Sharon "finally
understood" what the peace camp has been saying for decades? Well, not quite.
Palestinian Disbelief
Israeli journalists sent to get the Palestinian
reaction were (as always) disappointed: instead of falling in love with their
great oppressor the minute he claimed he might stop dispossessing them, ungrateful
official Palestinian sources dismissed Sharon's announcement with disbelief.
On the one hand, their mistrust is understandable: Sharon has a lifelong reputation
of lying, as his superiors and colleagues have been saying for decades. Many
of his insinuations in the recent months about certain settlements that might
be "moved" actually served as an immediate trigger for settlers to fortify them.
On the other hand, the reaction of the Palestinian Authority (PA) cannot be
seen apart from its own interest. The PA is fighting for its survival against
competing forces in Gaza mainly the Islamic Hamas Movement, but also against
some of its own units, inspired by Israel's aggression and strangulation policy
to develop into independent local militias. A unilateral Israeli withdrawal
would weaken the PA even further: after all, the PA has a record of corruption,
it is ineffective in supplying welfare, education and health services, and it
cannot give any sense of security against the overwhelmingly superior Israeli
military might. If even its function as negotiator becomes superfluous, one
may rightly wonder what's the use of the PA at all. So the PA's disbelief should
be seen, at least partially, as wishful thinking.
Left-Wing Objection
An astonishing reaction comes from Yossi Beilin,
considered to be the left-end of the Zionist peace camp. Beilin objects to Sharon's
unilateral withdrawal, claiming there is no reason to leave Gaza without getting
anything in return. It is indeed revealing to see that for Beilin, the settlements
in Gaza are not a moral stain, a financial burden and a military headache that
Israel should get rid of, but a precious asset that should be traded for some
worthy "rewards": a precise echo of similar views regularly aired by former
PM Ehud Barak, the right-wing extremist who exploded the Oslo process, initiated
the Intifada and destroyed the Israeli peace camp from within, to whom Beilin
dedicated his last book.
But whereas Barak's views are based on his inherent objection to peace, Beilin's
motivation is different: He has a vested interest (politically, and, broadly
speaking, also financially) in the well-being of the PA, which is in fact his
partner for the Geneva Accords. For Beilin, relieving 1,5 million Palestinians
in Gaza of the abusive presence of Israeli settlers and military is not a good
idea for Beilin, if its price might be weakening his partners in the corrupted
PA. Compared with that, even Shimon Peres whose complicity in the settlements
project is of Sharonic dimensions sounded this week like the voice of sanity,
saying that withdrawing from Gaza was its own reward.
Moving the Pawns
I do not think Sharon is lying when he says he
wants to evacuate Gaza: I think he really means it, otherwise he wouldn't have
risked giving legitimacy to this popular left-wing slogan. He may not be strong
enough to do it: though an overwhelming majority (up to 80%) of the voters have
always been supportive of getting out of Gaza (which is why Sharon is now toying
with the idea of referendum), the government is extreme right-wing and the Knesset
is very pro-settlers too. But paying attention to Sharon's words, and especially
to the small print (often omitted in the media), reveals his true intentions.
Note that Sharon has been talking all along of "moving" settlements, not dismantling
them. The difference is now becoming clear: Sharon's plan is to move whole settlements
from the Gaza Strip to the West Bank.
A Western reader may be appalled by the idea, but this is Israel: citizens
are not autonomous subjects with dignity and rights, but mere pawns in the government's
arsenal. The whole settlements policy is based on that: we put people where
we like, be it a war zone if needed; we won't let them go even if they want
to (see previous column); and
we redeploy them elsewhere whenever necessary. Almost all the Gaza settlements
where created by Sharon following the Israeli withdrawal from Sinai in 1982;
many settlers moved there from Sinai. Now they should be moved elsewhere; they
were informed about it exclusively by the Israeli media.
It's the same Israeli media, by the way, which is already shedding tears about
the poor Gaza settlers to be "uprooted" for generous compensations, totally
blind to the fact that they live amongst 1,5 million Palestinians, 70% of whom
are refugees who were violently uprooted from their land within Israel, and
trapped in the most densely populated region on earth with not a cent of compensation.
Why Gaza?
Don't err in illusions: no one intends to make
Gaza a Palestinian State, no one even claims to. Gaza has a very different function.
As senior Israeli journalist Nahum Barnea wrote a few years ago, Gaza is Israel's
penal colony, its "devil island, Alcatraz" (quoted by Tanya
Reinhart). Even now, alleged "terrorists" and their relatives from the West
Bank are regularly
deported
to Gaza, which is surrounded with electric fences, its access to the sea blocked
by the Israeli navy, and is thus completely sealed off the outside world. Sharon
intends to keep a 100 meter strip along the Egyptian border (where the army
has been systematically destroying all Palestinian houses), to make sure Alcatraz
is fully contained. There is thus no reason for Israel to sit inside Alcatraz,
with its endless poverty and water shortage, unemployment and hopelessness:
let the prisoners run their own lives, while we sit safely all around it and
watch the prisoners perish. And to give a sense of proportion, take a look directly above, on the same scale, are (in gray) the Gaza Strip (left) and the West Bank (right).
So What is Sharon Up To?
As Hannah Kim of Ha'aretz
(6.2.04) says,
"Sharon's plan has not changed and it remains what it has been for
years [
] He keeps changing the title of his plan: 'Long-term interim agreement,'
'Stage two of the road map' or 'Unilateral evacuation.' [
] And always, always
he goes back to the same thing to ensure that the map he draws, the very same
map, will not allow the existence of a Palestinian state that will be able to
live alongside Israel. In order to contain this danger, Sharon is prepared for
'painful concessions,' that is the evacuation of a few Jewish settlements
in the territories."
In return for pulling out the settlements from the Gaza Strip, but keeping
its strangulation from the outside, Sharon now asks for American support for
massive extension of the West Bank settlements, and, according to some reports,
even for a formal annexation of large parts of the West Bank to Israel. He also
wants American consent to the route of the Apartheid Wall, which means annexing
de facto some 20% of the West Bank to Israel, as well as breaking the
Palestinian population of the West Bank into numerous isolated enclaves, many
of which are economically totally unviable so that their inhabitants will be
forced to move elsewhere. This is Sharon's "new" plan: not ending the occupation,
but getting rid of a nuisance, evacuating a few Jewish cells out of Gaza Alcatraz,
in order to entrench the occupation of the lion's share the West Bank even
further, but this time with unprecedented American support.
Strategically, then, Sharon's "disengagement" plan is just another name for
occupation, and should be rejected as such. Tactically, however, the plan does
have advantages. For my part, I support any Israeli withdrawal, any eviction
of any settlement anywhere. If Sharon is ready to give back a third of the Gaza
Strip now occupied by 7,500 settlers, let him do that, and the sooner the better.
But at the same time, one must remember that Sharon has not changed, and one
must resist his true intentions: to perpetuate the occupation, and consequently
the armed conflict, by a seemingly generous "gift."
Ran HaCohen