Disgrace
Disgrace: this is one of my first emotions when
I watch the settlers' uprising against the eviction of the settlements of Gaza
and a couple in the West Bank. Take a look at these guys: adults and youth,
men and women, with no fear, no hesitations, no need to apologize when they
struggle against their own state. All over the country they block roads. They
put chains on school gates at night, they pour glue into the door locks in state
offices. They obtain the schedule of the prime minister and boo him wherever
he goes. They threaten to kill the chief-of-staff, they harass individual officers
at home. They pour oil and scatter nails on the highways. They sabotage army
and police vehicles; they pour sugar into bulldozers' oil tanks. They resist
and hit soldiers and police; their favorite curse for the Israeli forces is
"Nazi." They incite soldiers to disobey orders, and they actually disobey
them. An inner uprising like Israel has never seen.
Nothing of this kind happened here when hundreds of Palestinians were butchered
under Israeli auspices in Lebanon in 1982. Or when Rabin deported
400 Palestinians to Lebanon in 1992. Or when an Israeli settler massacred
dozens of Palestinians praying in the Patriarchs' Tomb in Hebron in 1994.
Or when an Israeli jet killed
nine children by dropping a one-ton bomb on a densely populated neighborhood
of Gaza in 2002. Or when Israel tried
to kill with missiles the entire Hamas leadership in 2002, or when it finally
succeeded in killing
the 65-year-old spiritual leader Yassin in his wheelchair last year. Not when
thousands
of Palestinians lost their homes in the Second Intifada and became refugees
in their own land. Not when the entire Palestinian population is caged by the
Wall. None of these atrocities, and so many more, ever brought about a protest
even slightly reminiscent of the present settlers' unrest, caused by a legitimate
decision (not yet taken) by the democratically elected Israeli government to
move less than 5 percent of the settlers from one point to another within their
"holy" land of Israel, with most generous compensations for their possessions
and inconvenience.
I believe it was Kierkegaard
who once said you can learn a lot about a person from the one thing that makes
him serious. By the same token, you can learn so much about a society from the
one thing that makes it take to the street. The fact that no atrocity ever made
Israeli society, taken as a whole, protest the way the settlers do now, is disgraceful
evidence for the complete moral bankruptcy of the Jewish state.
Roads Blocked
Not everything leaves the average Israeli so indifferent,
of course. When settlers again blocked highways all over Israel this week, angry
drivers approached them with iron bars. This story made it to the headlines:
on one side the settlers, well-organized as always, on the other side the police,
or what's left of it after the neo-liberal waves of privatization and budget
cuts, and some drivers, furious enough to confront the settlers physically.
Indeed, if there is one thing Israelis cannot bear, it's waiting for a highway
to reopen. Five years ago, when Israeli Arabs dared block a few roads in Israel
as the Second Intifada had just started, the popular Israeli wisdom unanimously
agreed that such blocking is totally unacceptable, backing the police decision
to use live ammunition and kill Arab-Israeli citizens to keep the roads open.
Nowadays, the police found out there are other methods to keep the roads open,
or even that human life is sometimes more important than an open road – at least
when Jewish, not Arab, life is at stake.
I wonder how many of those furious Israeli drivers ever think of the Palestinians
in the occupied territories, where there are no highways (not for Palestinians,
that is), but where the roads, wretched after decades of stingy occupation with
zero investment in infrastructure, are paved with hostile Israeli checkpoints
and roadblocks, where humiliated Palestinians have to wait again and again,
sometimes long hours in the burning sun, just to be able to cross on foot (cars
not allowed).
Israeli drivers by now come equipped with iron bars to open the roads blocked
by the settlers: after all, we have a right to move freely in our own land.
But Palestinian violence always remains incomprehensible to us. Surely they
don't suppose they have any right to move freely in their own land; and even
if they do, is this a reason to become violent?!
Lynching
The blocked roads were top news; only later, much later down the line-up, came
the Palestinian Ziad Majaida, aged 16 or 18 (reports vary), lynched by extremist
Jewish settlers in the Gaza Strip the same afternoon (29.6). Television footage
shows the wounded boy lying on the ground, a soldier trying to protect him,
while settlers keep stoning him. The boy later told television that it all started
when a soldier pushed him to the wall, making him an easy prey for the murderous
settlers; Ha'aretz journalist Nir
Hasson reported from the scene of the crime about a paramedic, a "moderate"
settler, fetched to treat the fainting boy:
"He wavered for twenty seconds whether or not to treat Hilal, as one
of the attackers yelled at him: 'If you treat him, we'll kill you.' He turned
back embarrassed, and left. The injured man was laying on the ground, his face
covered with blood, losing consciousness."
Israeli television later "explained" that when the lynch was taking
place next to a private Palestinian house violently taken over by settlers
just a couple days before not enough soldiers were around. But there
were lots of cameras and reporters around, from all over the world: Hasson reports
that unlike the brave paramedic, he and several other journalists were actually
trying to help the lynched boy. So no one was surprised by the lynch
no one except the Israeli army. Pay attention to this "surprise."
We Jews know it all too well: we experienced it for centuries, all over Europe,
when everybody knew of an imminent pogrom, except for the local police, which
was "surprised" and therefore "regretfully unable" to protect
the abused Jews.
Seeds of Fascism
The settlers thus do not operate on their own.
For almost 40 years, they got used to the total support of the state for their
illegal project. "Illegal" not just because the settlements are contrary to
international law, but because the entire settlement project – about 200 settlements
housing 250,000 settlers – has been carried out illegally, in clandestine cooperation
among the settlers, the army, the state apparatus, and the political echelon,
working in harmony against all law and order, bypassing democratic procedures,
cheating the public and the media: "it's all right to lie for the Land of Israel,"
as Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir once said. This covert cooperation has turned
the settlers into the "Lords of the Land" (the title of a new Hebrew book on
the settlers' history, by Akiva Eldar and Idith Zertal), who got used to doing
whatever crime and offense they wanted and being backed, or at least pardoned,
by the state.
Every Israeli conscript knows: a radical left-wing record, your own or in your
family, disqualifies you for any elite army unit. However, this week the Israeli
Air Force proudly announced that the son of the mass
murderer Baruch Goldstein has become a pilot. No wonder then, that the army
now admits that all its operative plans, no matter how classified, are immediately
leaked to the settlers.
The settlers obeyed the state only as long as it obeyed them. Having been
used by Israel as its Freikorps,
as the thugs who do the dirty jobs the state is unable or unwilling to do for
itself, the overflow of settlers' traditional violence into the heart of Israel
is a natural development. As the Jewish writer Albert
Memmi experienced and described so well during the French colonization of
Tunisia, "Every colonial nation carries the seeds of the Fascist temptation."
Those deadly seeds flourish these days in Israel.