The
War Party is playing defense these days, and for good reason:
in Iraq, there is no
sign of those "weapons of mass destruction," and in Washington,
Congress is getting ready to launch
an investigation into who lied about what and why. Meanwhile,
one American soldier is getting killed every
other day, on average weeks after Bush's declaration
of "victory." This is what old King
Pyrrhus had in mind when he said: "One more victory such
as this, and we are done for."
Worst
of all from the War Party's perspective is that the neocon meme
is really getting out there. Every day, it seems, there is
a new article in some periodical not only pointing to them
as the driving force behind the rush to war, but also detailing
their ideological odyssey from left to right and this is
driving the neocons craaaazy. The result is that, within
less than 24 hours, no less than four major polemics appeared
denouncing this level of scrutiny as evidence of (what else?)
"anti-Semitism."
First to
weigh in was Robert Bartley, in the Wall Street Journal,
who approaches the problem by floating his own sort of conspiracy
theory: the whole brouhaha, he avers, is a plot by Lyndon
LaRouche and his kooky followers. The evidence: a pamphlet
put out by the LaRouchies, luridly entitled "Children of Satan."
Bartley is apparently a LaRouche afficionado or, at least,
interested enough to claim, with a knowledgeable air, that
"It
does seem to be true that the LaRouche screed was first in
line in thrusting Leo Strauss, author of such volumes as Natural
Right and History, into the middle of the debate over
the Iraq war. The theme was later sounded by James Atlas in
the New York Times and Seymour Hersh in the New
Yorker."
This
is absolute nonsense, on two counts:
1)
As anyone with even the most rudimentary knowledge of how
to use Google could discover in a moment, the neocons' enemies
have long been aware of Strauss's cult and its baleful influence.
Libertarians are naturally horrified
by the Straussian devotion to the benevolent dictatorship
of a self-appointed elite, and we at antiwar.com
have not
spared Strauss and his followers their fair share of abuse.
While Shadia B. Drury's 1999 book, Leo
Strauss and the American Right, provided a critique
of Strauss's influence from the left, paleoconservatives such
as Paul
Gottfried were among the first to raise the alarm. But
I'll leave it to my old friend Burt Blumert to capture
the essence of the antagonism that has long existed between
the followers of Strauss and the Old Right gang centered around
LewRockwell.com:
"Neocons,
as ex-Trotskyites, are bad enough, but those who follow the
pro-pagan Leo Strauss are deadly. He advocated the Big Lie.
Forgive me for all the gory details, but these people with
their other leaders like Bill Buckley and Irving Kristol and
the help of the CIA perverted the American right into loving
the welfare-warfare state."
And
that was in one of Burt's fundraising pieces. Help
save the world from the evil Straussians, he warned over a
year ago. They want to drag us into war with their Big Lie
technique it all seems pretty prescient to me.
2)
Bartley seems to believe that if LaRouche says the sky is
blue, it must be red, or perhaps some other color. But establishing
such a LaRouche Standard, whereby we must rule out anything
and everything the LaRouchians aver aside from constituting
a new category of logical fallacy would lead Bartley
to disavow his newspaper's avid support, over the years, for
such projects as the "Star Wars" missile defense, which the
LaRouchians really were the first to propose and
lobby
for.
If
one believes, like most conservatives, that ideas have consequences,
and that philosophy has an enormous impact on the conduct
of foreign policy (or any government policy), then you belong,
according to Bartley, "in the fever swamps" with the LaRouchies.
But the punch-line for this joke of an argument is here:
"This
is the ugly accusation an alert reader should suspect in encountering
the word 'Straussian,' or these days even 'neo-conservative'
in the context of the Iraq debate. Paul Wolfowitz and Richard
Perle find their Jewish heritage a point of attack. But George
Bush, Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld are gentiles. Condoleezza
Rice and Colin Powell don't look Jewish to me, but they also
helped draft the basic statement of the Bush Doctrine, the
September 2002 'National Security Policy of the United States.'"
In
the Orwellian world of the neocons, where a new form of political
correctness frames their every utterance, the language is
contracting. Because the goal of totalitarian thought control
is to make the expression of political incorrectness impossible,
the goal of this Neocon Newspeak
is the abolition of many now-common words. In this context,
words are used, not to make debating points, but to end all
discussion. There
are no Straussians, we are told, and even the word neoconservative
is to be flushed down the Memory Hole, along with shelves
full of books, articles, and even one incredibly boring film detailing
their intellectual and political evolution in minute detail.
The
idea that the major media have been taken over by neo-Nazis,
and that the campaign to identify who and/or what got us involved
in an unnecessary
and ultimately futile war is all part of "the
new anti-Semitism," is the rather implausible theme of
the neocons' defense. In a polemic that has all the hallmarks
of having been written by an awful drunk i.e., not only
entirely lacking in logic, but also relentlessly subjective
and anecdotal Christopher
Hitchens reveals the ultimate evidence for this worldwide
anti-Semitic plot in all its sinister "undertones." Once
again, the use of certain words or, in this case, their
correct pronunciation is the issue at hand:
"'Yes
that's all very well,' said the chap from the BBC World Service,
'but what about this man Vulfervitz who seems to run the whole
show from behind the scenes?' For the fifth time in as many
days, and for the umpteenth time this year, I corrected a
British interviewer's pronunciation. You see the name in print,
you hear it uttered quite a lot in American discussions, you
then give a highly inflected rendition of your own. ... What
is this?"
To
any normal person, it is nothing at all. A simple mis-pronunciation.
A defective ear. Perhaps Hitchens, through the thick syrupy
haze of alcohol and self-regard, could not hear what this
anonymous "chap" was really saying. But, no:
"This
is not quite like old-line reactionaries going out of their
way to say 'Franklin Delano Rosenfeld.' Still, I don't think
I am quite wrong in suspecting that a sharpened innuendo is
in play here. Why else, when the very name of Paul Wolfowitz
is mentioned, do so many people bid adieu to the very notion
of objectivity?"
It
is Hitchens who has bid adieu to objectivity. He details all
the various travails suffered by the hawkish Defense Department
deputy secretary, but nowhere mentions the supposed ethno-religious
factor until the very end of his rambling screed:
"Coming
back to where I began, though, I think that there's genuine
cause for alarm in the current vulgar conflation of 'Kabbalah'
with 'cabal,' and with the practice of what, if anyone else
were to be the target, the left would already be calling 'demonization.'"
The
problem with this argument is that Hitchens is the only one
making such a far-fetched conflation, but boozy narcissism
is what usually takes the place of logic in the alcoholic
mind. Hitchens' contribution to the neocon counteroffensive,
then, is to add his own nominee to the growing list of forbidden
words: Straussian, neocon, cabal
. Their campaign to
constrict the parameters of political debate by eliminating
words marches on.
Arnold
Beichman was next up at bat, with his own nominee: in
any discussion of the neocons and their influence, he wants
any reference to Leon Trotsky or the influence of Trotskyism
to be strictly verboten. Writing in National
Review Online, Beichman is outraged at Jeet Heer's National
Post piece
detailing the Trotskyist roots of leading neocons, whose cocktail
party chatter evidently includes abstruse references to Max
Shachtman and the factional history of the Fourth International.
I wrote about the Heer piece the other day (scroll
down to "Notes in the Margin"), but, alas, the
saga continues. Beichman contemptuously dismisses the ex-Trotskyist
Hitchens' alleged influence at the White House. Apparently
in response to ex-Trotskyist-turned-neocon Stephen Schwartz for affectionately
referring to the killer of Kronstadt as "the old man" and
"L.D.," Beichman launches a magnificent attack on the crimes
of Trotsky, unfairly ripping into Heer for giving Schwartz
a platform and for bringing up the Trotsky connection at all:
"But
there is something more sinister at work here: to rob the
Coalition, which destroyed a terrorist haven and an inhuman
dictatorship, of the moral victory it represents."
Schwartz
responded the next day in National Review with
what I think is the last word on this subject: his article
is the definitive text that proves how right we paleos have
been all along about this troublesome sect known as the neocons.
Schwartz denounces "a group of neofascists" who supposedly
claim that "neoconservatives are all ex-Trotskyists," but
defends Heer's piece as serving another aim, that of describing
"the very real evolution of certain ex-Trotskyists toward
an interventionist position on the Iraq war" i.e., his own
evolution and that of his friends and associates in the neocon
movement. It is okay for certain people to talk about the
Trotskyist influence on neoconservatism, just as long as they
have the right ideology:
"The
U.S. neofascists who have thrown this accusation around use
the term 'Trotskyist' the same way they use the term 'neoconservative:'
as a euphemism for 'Jew.'"
But
when he writes how "many of the original generation
of neoconservatives had a background of association with Trotskyism
in its Shachtmanite iteration" it's somehow not a hate crime.
Schwartz is even allowed to observe, as I did in my 1993 book
Reclaiming
the American Right in some detail, that "the Shachtmanites,
in the 1960s, joined the AFL-CIO in its best Cold War period,
and many became staunch Reaganites." The point of Schwartz's
rebuttal, however, is that he is proud of his Trotksyist past.
He even gathers his co-thinkers together in proclaiming, in
true Trotskyist fashion, that they constitute a semi-official
faction, which some editor at NRO deemed "Trotsky-cons":
"The
second issue at hand involves the actual ex-Trotskyists who
engaged with the issue of the Iraqi war. I call this group,
to which I belong, the 'three-and-a-half international,' which
is an obscure reference I won't explain fully. But I use it
to indicate three main individuals: Christopher Hitchens,
myself, and the Iraqi intellectual Kanan Makiya, who all did
indeed march under the Red Flag at some point
."
Here
is where Schwartz descends into sheer hilarity, given that
the best humor is always unintentional. He not only defends
dear old Trotsky against Beichman's calumniations, but also
red-baits Beichman, reminding him and NRO's
by this time utterly baffled readers of Beichman's Stalinist
past. Beichman was a fellow traveler of the Communist Party
in the 1930s, when he worked for the pro-war, pro-FDR left-wing
newspaper PM. It's all too funny, but one can only
wonder what ordinary, garden-variety, un-prefixed conservatives
think of all this sound and fury.
Here,
after all, are the ex-Commies of yesteryear re-enacting the
Stalin-Trotsky split in the pages of National Review
even as the magazine continues with its ridiculous campaign
denying the very existence of neocons as anything but plain
old vanilla conservatives. The magazine's online readers,
such as they are, may be mystified by Schwartz's argument
that Trotsky has a lot to say to the neocons of today, because
his analysis of the Moscow Trials somehow impacts on the neocon
analysis of Peter Arnett. (Say, what?) But I, for one,
particularly enjoyed Schwartz's contention that the Beichman
jeremiad represented an effort to "exclude Hitchens and myself
from consideration as reliable allies in the struggle against
Islamist extremism," or, as he proudly avers:
"Because
we have yet to apologize for something I, for one, will never
consider worthy of apology. There is clearly a group of heresy-hunters
among the original neoconservatives who resent having to give
way to certain newer faces, with our own history and culture.
These older neoconservatives cannot take yes for an answer,
and they especially loathe Hitchens. But nobody ever asked
Norman Podhoretz to apologize for having once written poetry
praising the Soviet army. Nobody ever asked the art critic
Meyer Schapiro, who was also a Trotskyist, to flog himself
for assisting illegal foreign revolutionaries at a time when
it was considered unpatriotic, to say the least. Nobody ever
asked Shachtman or Burnham, or, for that matter, Sidney Hook,
or Edmund Wilson, or a hundred others, to grovel and beg mercy
for inciting war on capitalism in the depths of the Great
Depression."
Holding
that Red Banner high, Schwartz declares war on the ex-Stalinists
in the neocon movement of which there are plenty, as he
correctly points out and proclaims his "Third and a Half
International." It is almost too farcical to be taken seriously,
but then the "conservatism" upheld by National Review
since the purge of John Sullivan has never been serious, and
this just underscores the sheer absurdity of its claim to
be some kind of final arbiter.
Schwartz
raises a perfectly legitimate point: if the ex-Trotskyists
have to apologize for importing their particular brand of
militarism into the neocon movement, then why don't the ex-Stalinists
have to "grovel," too? I say let them both apologize
for supporting some variant of mass-murdering commie totalitarianism,
or stop pretending to be "conservatives."
The
ideas that energize the neoconservative movement have little
if anything to do with traditional conservatism. That this
suspicion is now widespread among traditional conservatives,
as well as journalists, is not to be undone by lame accusations
of alleged "anti-Semitism." Paring down the permitted language
of political debate is not going to work, either. It is clear
beyond the need for further proof that the War Party bamboozled
the American public into taking that first fateful step on
the road to empire. We know who they are, and what they believe:
it is not a "conspiracy," as the detractors of this theory
insist, because there is nothing secret about it and because
the same people are urging us onward, to Iran, Syria, and
beyond.
The
esoteric elitist Strauss, the Leninist elitist Trotsky, Schwartz
and his mock-operatic "Third and a Half International" re-fighting
the inter-Commie faction wars of the 1930s with a gaggle of
ex-Stalinists this is the official "conservative"
movement of today! No wonder Commissar Frum and his fellow
neocons felt compelled to attack us antiwar, limited government
types as "unpatriotic conservatives,"
going so far as to declare that they "turn their backs" on
us. They turned their backs on authentic conservatism some
time ago.
NOTES
IN THE MARGIN
Smearing
antiwar conservatives is not the exclusive prerogative of
the neocons: leftists like to get in on the act, too. Thus
we have a news story
in the Washington Times reporting on a peace group
having a meeting in Washington D.C.:
"Stephen
Zunes, chairman of the Peace & Justice Studies Program
at the University of San Francisco, said politicians will
produce excuses on why they do not support peace.
"'I've
heard [Hill] staffers say off the record that the boss agrees
with the peace movement, but he needs Jewish money to get
elected,' he said. 'If we don't challenge Israel's policies
for the right reasons, we leave it to the Pat Buchanans to
challenge it for the wrong reasons.'"
So
what are the "right" reasons? Zunes hauls out the oldest,
basest canard of the anti-Semites, and attributes Congressional
support for Israel to "Jewish money" and Buchanan
is challenging Amerian foreign policy for "the wrong reasons"?
Zunes should pipe down, and pack it in, before he discredits
himself completely.
Justin Raimondo
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