But
last week saw the emergence of new buds of opposition.
Two of the country's most liked, respected, and, importantly,
most centrist columnists wrote pieces arguing that the administration
was carrying out a bait and switch operation, trying to shift the
war against terrorists who attacked Americans into a war against
Muslim states we don't like (or, more precisely, states that the
neoconservative faction in the administration, opinion and think
tank worlds doesn't care for).
Conservative
voices in the anti-war movement this site, Pat Buchanan,
somewhat indirectly Robert Novak, Chronicles Magazine, and
several others have been making this argument for months. For the
most part, antiwar voices on the Right have not questioned the
need to destroy al-Qaeda and topple the Taliban, and has shed no
tears over the alleged mistreatment of captured al-Qaeda fighters.
But they don't want that necessary war to lead into a wider campaign against Middle Eastern countries where the US has adversarial relationships,
but which pose no real threat to the United States.
Now
Michael
Kinsley and Chris
Matthews, nothing if not solid centrists, have taken up the
same point. Neither holds any brief for the Iranian mullahs, Saddam
Hussein, or the North Korean dictatorship. Neither is a pacifist,
isolationist, or movement antiwar person. Where they part company
with Bush and the War Party claque is in recognizing that Bush has
no authority from Congress
nor American public opinion to transform the war against terror
into war against countries we don't like for other reasons. The
pro-war faction hopes that the American people somehow won't notice that their outrage
against those who killed 3,000 Americans is being used to pursue
a war against Israel's potential enemies, a campaign long desired
by the Beltway neocons.
The
Kinsley and Matthews columns are indisputable evidence that alarm
over Bush's bait and switch operation is seeping into the mainstream. If,
as I believe likely, these two columnists are harbingers of broader
shift in middle-of-road opinion, it could save the United States
from the disastrous quagmire of war against much of the Muslim world.
In
support of this optimistic interpretation, it ought to be noted
that some of the principled neoconservative war pundits are beginning
to worry about support for the wider war among the public. Both
Ronald
Radosh and David
Brooks have written recently about Norman Podhoretz's "World
War 4" address, delivered last week
at the American Enterprise Institute. Podhoretz worried that
Bush's war against the "Axis of Evil" could bring about internal divisions as sharp as
the United States faced in the 1960's. In
discussing this possibility, Radosh
referred hopefully to the long "Just
War letter" produced by the Institute for American Values' David
Blankenhorn and signed by 60 academics, several of them quite prominent
and coming from a wide range on the political spectrum.
The
letter is long, nuanced, and as Podhoretz rightly noted in his address,
eerily defensive in tone,
as if designed to account for every possible objection. Its bottom
line is that United States military response to the 9/11 terrorists
is justified according to Just War doctrine. The fact is that I
(and I imagine, other writers on this site) would have few objections
to signing the Blankenhorn statement ourselves. But it is curious
to see it being wheeled out by the War Party now (it was also touted last week on the Wall Street Journal's
pro-wider war editorial page) as if it could serve as a religious/philosophical
foundation stone for an expanded campaign against Iran and Iraq. For unless there are clauses in it too obscure
for me to penetrate, nothing in the letter would justify a pre-emptive
American strike against Bagdhad and Teheran because they might one
day seek to develop the same kinds of weapons already in the arsenals
of Pakistan, India, and Israel. Indeed, the letter is being used
as something that many of its signers almost certainly did not intend
a document to ratify the transmutation of the Just War against
al-Qaeda into a pre-emptive war against Iran and Iraq, a bait and
switch for the PhD's.
Despite
its success in inserting recklessly belligerent phrases into Bush's
State of the Union speech, the War Party occupies a vulnerable position
in the broad geography of American politics. Its core members understand
full well that the American rage against terrorists who attacked
us is not the same as an American desire to take out every country
that has ever looked cross-eyed at Israel. They worry, with increasing
openness, that American public opinion will not support a wider
war, and (more quietly) that Bush himself will eventually retreat
from that precipice. They have instigated opinion molding exercises
that were hardly necessary in October and November, (when virtually
everyone understood why we needed to rout bin Laden and the Taliban);
they now face for the first time open complaints about the transmutation
of war aims from prominent, popular and indisputably centrist sources. Elected
officials may not be that far behind, and if a sensible peace movement
gets rolling quickly enough, the United States may yet save itself
from embarking on a tragic blunder.
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