The link between success in democratizing - or
perhaps even just neutralizing - the Middle East into a
place that will cease breeding terrorists and jumping in
with yet one more plan to settle the ongoing
Israeli-Palestinian conflict has long struck me as
tenuous to the point of being fanciful.
Will Islamic fundamentalists cease to hate, resent or
yearn for ways to strike at the Great Satan because
something resembling a functioning Palestinian state is
finally established bordering Israel? Or is the
Palestinian cause more a handy pretext for hostility
that has more to do with deep cultural differences - and
the United States being in Middle Eastern lands,
oilfields and faces and willing to strike militarily to
drive home the point? I suspect the latter.
It also seems less than obvious that the
establishment of a Palestinian nation-state (a
culture-specific Western European institution shoehorned
onto a culture whose concepts of governance have never
included democracy or parliamentary rule) will reduce
hostility between Israelis and Palestinians. It might
well increase the tension and in any event is unlikely
to be a stable or stabilizing institution.
Nonetheless, we are about to embark on yet another
attempt by the United States and the "international
community" to impose/facilitate/bully an agreement that
can be spun as peace between Israelis and Palestinians.
This time it's called the "road map" and President Bush,
Secretary of State Colin Powell and British Prime
Minister Tony Blair are said to be firmly committed to
it.
Our leaders have not yet deigned to reveal the
details (or detours) of the road map. But its outlines
are likely to resemble what former Israeli Prime
Minister Ehud Barak offered to Palestinian Authority
President Yasser Arafat in 2000, with a few changes
suggested by the unrelenting mutual hostility since
then: an end to terror bombings by Palestinian
militants, an end to Israeli military incursions into
the West Bank and Gaza, the establishment of a formal
Palestinian state (with East Jerusalem as a capital
implied but left vague) and some kind of mutual
non-aggression agreement.
Peace processors seem to believe that the de facto
replacement of Yasser Arafat as the real Palestinian
boss and an agreement to remove some, most or all of the
Jewish settlements in the West Bank will be the keys to
getting it done this time. Would that it were so
simple.
On Thursday two events seemed to capsulize the
dilemma. Newspapers carried stories of an agreement,
after a week or so of tussles that may or may not have
been more orchestrated than genuine, on a new
Palestinian Authority cabinet between Arafat and the
prime minister he appointed under pressure from the U.S.
and Europe, longtime PLO loyalist Mahmoud Abbas. And a
suicide bomber, identified in early news reports as from
"a breakaway faction of a militia linked to Yasser
Arafat's Fatah movement," killed a guard and injured 10
bystanders at a train station in the Israeli town of
Kfar Saba.
It was a familiar pattern: a step that might - just
might - lead toward peace followed by a terrorist attack
designed in part to stave off agreement. That's been
fairly typical in recent years.
It tends to validate what Jerrold Green, director of
the Center for Middle East Public Policy at RAND in
Santa Monica, told me the previous day. "I doubt that
conditions are ripe yet for an agreement," Dr. Green,
who has taught Middle East studies at UCLA and USC, told
me. "And unless the two parties are ready for peace,
outside forces cannot impose it successfully."
There's the additional complication that not all of
Washington - heck, not all of the Bush administration -
has signed on to the latest road map. Secretary of State
Colin Powell earlier told a Washington Post columnist
that President Bush will push Israeli Prime Minister
Ariel Sharon hard, especially on the issue of Israeli
settlements. That is viewed as a key to credibility
among Palestinians and other Arabs.
But the Defense Department faction symbolized by
Douglas Feith and Richard Perle (who have directly
advised the Israeli Likud party on how to be more
effectively hard-line) doesn't want to pressure Sharon,
only Arafat. This week former House Speaker Newt
Gingrich took the role of point man in the predictable
campaign to undermine what hard-liners call the "road
map to nowhere."
Is agreement possible? Perhaps eventually, when both
sides get war-weary enough and see something to be
gained by agreement. But the likelihood that the quartet
ofthe European Union, the United Nations,Russia and the
United States will get it done this year is pretty
low.
Israelis and Palestinians have been negotiating and
blustering for decades now, and both know the hot
buttons that will serve as deal-breakers for the other
side. Here's my guess.
As long as Palestinians insist on a "right of return"
for Palestinian refugees from 1948 to resettle within
Israel, we'll know they're not looking for peace. The
Israelis will never agree to that.
And until the Israelis agree to a substantial
dismantling of the existing Jewish settlements in the
West Bank (or what some Israeli parties still call Judea
and Samaria), we'll know they are not serious about
seeking a peace agreement but maneuvering.
Don't hold your breath.