The Homeland
Security Advisory Council (HSAC), a group created by President Bush in March
2002, recently issued its "Report
of the Future of Terrorism Task Force" [.pdf]. One of its findings
was that "the alienation of Muslim populations in the Western world is
a major component of the spread of jihadist ideology" and that "Muslims
living in the United States are on balance more integrated, more prosperous
and therefore, less alienated than Muslims living in Western Europe." The
latter is one of the more overlooked and underappreciated aspects of homeland
security and an important reason why the United States has not suffered another
terrorist attack since 9/11.
Muslims in the United States
[.pdf] seem to be more integrated into mainstream American society – more than
60 percent have graduated from college, more than 60 percent have an annual
income over $50,000, many are professionals such as engineers, doctors, dentists,
and corporate managers, and 70 percent believe Muslims should participate in
American institutions and the political process. In contrast, European Muslim
communities are generally enclaves (and largely employed as service workers)
– more apart than a part of their adopted countries. It is worth noting that
none of the 9/11 hijackers were recruited from the American Muslim community
but we know that the Hamburg Cell became the field marshals of the 9/11 attacks,
many of those thought to be involved in the March 2005 Madrid attacks were European
Muslim immigrants, and the London July 2005 subway bombings were British-born
Muslims.
The lesson for American Muslims – particularly those who are newly immigrated
to the United States – is to not fall into the same trap as Muslims in Europe.
The more Muslims separate themselves from their community, the greater the likelihood
that they will be susceptible to radicalization. And the more likely it is that
they will be viewed with suspicion, however unwarranted. For example, the Lackawanna
Six – six young men who attended an al-Qaeda training camp and pled guilty
to terrorism charges (although were not found guilty of plotting any attacks)
– were from a tightly-knit Yemeni community and lived within blocks of each
other.
And the lesson for America is to not engage in policies and actions that
radicalize Muslims. For example, the principle of "innocent until proven
guilty" is an important foundation of the American legal system, so it
is important not to jump to conclusions when American Muslims are accused of
being terrorists. At least in one instance, even a conviction was a rush to
judgment. In June 2003, three Detroit-area Muslims (all Moroccan immigrants)
were convicted of being a terrorist sleeper cell. At the time, it was hailed
by the administration as a "notable achievement" in the war on terrorism.
However, a year later a U.S. federal judge threw
out the convictions due to widespread prosecutorial misconduct. According
to Judge Gerald Rosen, the Justice Department's overzealousness to obtain a
conviction "overcame not only its professional judgment, but its broader
obligations to the justice system and the rule of law."
Another example of U.S. actions that could potentially contribute to radicalization
is the case of Maher Arar, a Canadian citizen born in Syria, who was detained
by U.S. officials during a stopover at New York's JFK International Airport
while traveling back to Montreal from Tunis. He was subsequently deported to
Syria via Jordan under the extraordinary rendition program, an extrajudicial
procedure where suspected terrorists are sent to other countries for interrogation
and imprisonment (presumably to avoid U.S. laws prescribing due process and
prohibiting torture). Arar was held in Syria for 10 months and 10 days. After
his release, a Canadian commission of inquiry cleared him of all terrorism allegations.
According
to the commissioner of the inquiry, Associate Chief Justice of Ontario Dennis
R. O'Connor, "I am able to say categorically that there is no evidence
to indicate that Mr. Arar has committed any offense or that his activities constitute
a threat to the security of Canada." Yet, despite being exonerated, Arar
is still considered persona non grata in the United States and remains
on the terrorist watch list (U.S. government officials claim that Arar is a
threat based on separate, classified information but they have agreed to review
his case). In a joint news conference with Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister
Peter MacKay, Secretary
of State Condoleezza Rice defended U.S. treatment of Arar: "It needs
to be understood that in a post-September 11 circumstance, we are determined
to protect our borders; we're determined to protect the American people on all
our borders." To be sure, the American public expects the government to
provide some level of protection. But the ultimate responsibility of the government
is to protect more than just life and property; it is to uphold and protect
the Constitution and the fundamental principles upon which our country was founded.
Not being true to those principles at the expense of Muslims – American or otherwise
– is a powerful tool for radicalization.
We also cannot afford to engage in a witch hunt that makes the entire Muslim
American community suspect. According
to the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse (a nonpartisan data gathering
and research organization), of the nearly 6,500 individuals charged by the federal
government in terrorism-related cases in the five years since 9/11, only 20
percent have been convicted on terrorism-related charges (but only 239 for international
terrorism and 187 for domestic terrorism). We need to be wary that casting such
a wide net to snare very few would-be terrorists could end up doing more to
radicalize American Muslims than to catch actual terrorists.
Finally, we need to be cognizant of how U.S. foreign policy can contribute
to Muslim radicalization. When I spoke at the Muslim
Public Affairs Council convention several years ago, none of the attendees
condoned terrorism. Yet they understood and sympathized with bin Laden's grievance
of U.S. support for authoritarian and oppressive regimes in the Muslim world
– indeed, many of them had fled those regimes to make a better life for their
families in the United States. So the war in Iraq (particularly Abu Ghraib)
and the Bush administration's unequivocal support for Israel during its incursion
of Lebanon could strain American Muslims' sense that they can be both Muslims
and patriotic Americans.