Arlington
National Cemetery could almost be my backyard. I live right down the road
from the new Air Force
Memorial and not far from the Iwo
Jima Memorial. The other memorials to those who served and fought in our
nation's wars – the Navy Memorial
(interestingly, the U.S. Army is the only military service without a memorial
in Washington, D.C.), World War II Memorial,
Korean War Memorial, and Vietnam
War Memorial – are all just a stone's throw away. And if I needed to be
reminded what last weekend was, there was the roar of Rolling
Thunder as several hundred thousand motorcyclists came to Washington, D.C.,
to observe Memorial Day.
Memorial Day (originally called Decoration Day) was first observed on May
30, 1868, as a day of remembrance for those who died in the Civil War. Today,
it is a national three-day weekend holiday to honor all of those who have given
their lives in military service to the nation. The "National Moment of
Remembrance" resolution
"designates 3:00 p.m. local time on Memorial Day each year as the National
Moment of Remembrance, in honor of the men and women of the United States who
died in the pursuit of freedom and peace." And according to a subsequent
memorandum
issued by the Clinton White House, "Memorial Day represents one day of
national awareness and reverence, honoring those Americans who died while defending
our Nation and its values. While we should honor these heroes every day for
the profound contribution they have made to securing our Nation's freedom,
we should honor them especially on Memorial Day."
It is worth noting the qualifiers "who died in the pursuit of freedom
and peace" and "who died while defending our Nation and its values,"
as well as the assertion that those who died did so "securing our Nation's
freedom." We should certainly remember and honor all those who died in
military service on Memorial Day. But we should also not blithely assume that
all those deaths were to defend the country or our freedom.
Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has employed significant
military force on nine occasions: the 1989 invasion of Panama to arrest of
Manuel Noriega (27,000 U.S. troops), Operation Desert Storm to force Iraq out
of Kuwait (more than 500,00 U.S. military personnel), the ill-fated "Blackhawk
Down" mission in Somalia (25,000 U.S. troops), Haiti in 1994 to restore
ousted President Jean-Bertrand Aristide to power and to head off a potential
wave of Haitian refugees, air strikes in Bosnia in 1995, missile attacks against
Sudan and Afghanistan in retaliation for the bombings of U.S. embassies in
Kenya and Tanzania (which became the subject of partisan criticism as a distraction
from the Monica Lewinsky scandal and impeachment hearings), more air strikes
in Kosovo in 1999 against Hitler du jour Slobodan Milosevic, and the
two ongoing U.S. military operations: Operation Enduring Freedom and Operation
Iraqi Freedom. (Thankfully, none of these military operations resulted in mass
casualties on the scale of World War II, the Korean War, or the Vietnam War
– but virtually all military operations, however large or small, result in
casualties.)
However, only Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan after the Sept. 11
terrorist attacks was unambiguously in response to a direct threat to the United
States. Thus, the reality is that the profligate use of military force (and
the inevitable deaths that result from such action) has little to do with defending
the country, our freedom, or our way of life – which should be the only reasons
to engage the military. Unfortunately and all too often, so-called U.S. interests
(which are broad and far reaching, and generally political rather than vital)
are used as a reason to put U.S. troops in harm's way.
Of course, these actions are inevitably dressed up by policymakers to make
them seem vital. For example, Operation Urgent Fury in 1984 was largely about
rescuing American students in Grenada to prevent them from becoming would-be
hostages in the wake of a Marxist, pro-Castro takeover of the Grenadan government
(the storming of the U.S. embassy in Tehran was still relatively fresh in the
minds of policymakers and the American public) – which can hardly be characterized
as a dire threat to U.S. national security. But the mission was touted as important
to restore democracy to Grenada, which was deemed as an island of strategic
importance to the United States (and whether the students were truly at risk
is debatable). Yet none other than British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher
(a staunch supporter of the Reagan administration and hardly someone who could
be called wimpy) wrote to President Reagan after the invasion: "This action
will be seen as intervention by a Western country in the internal affairs of
a small independent nation, however unattractive its regime." In not so
many words, Thatcher said the invasion was unnecessary.
Ultimately, the best way we can remember and honor those who have died as
the result of U.S. policymakers' decisions to use military force is to continue
to question whether such decisions are absolutely necessary. Sadly, we did
not do this enough in the run-up to the Iraq War, which has now claimed more
than 4,000 U.S. soldiers' lives. So what better way to observe Memorial Day
than to ensure that more U.S. soldiers don't die in needless military interventions?