In the Information War,
a Victory for Peace
Reflections on the one year anniversary of the US/NATO bombing of Yugoslavia
by
Geoff Berne
3/21/00

Text of a speech given to Dayton Peace Action, Dayton, Ohio, March 21, 2000

It's a privilege to have been asked by Dayton Peace Action to speak regarding this past year of war in Yugoslavia.

An organization like yours that's dedicated to peace is a rare one in the landscape of today's geopolitics in which stronger countries like ours are said to have "national interests" that justify going to war. A person who is for peace signals that he most likely does not have a multinational investment portfolio and probably doesn't care whether the bulk of Americans who invest in foreign enterprises and ventures prosper or not. If you reject the notion that nations such as ours have the right to send troops to protect the investment of capital in a foreign country like Kuwait or Yugoslavia, you'll be looked on as a clueless individual who somehow hasn't gotten the message that investment in the economies of foreign countries is the life's blood of our American system, a thing that Americans who own stocks are ready to die for, or kill for, even if you are not. May you, notwithstanding, continue to carry the peace banner.

I have spent the past year being one of a chorus of people that has raised an outcry about the Balkan war on the internet, and has refused to let the matter die as the media and our national leadership try to move on to other things. What anybody who has followed the war on the web has quickly realized is that it has caused a crisis of consistency for people of every political inclination: from so-called Democratic Socialists (many of whom vigorously supported the bombing of a socialist country) to conservative libertarians (who supposedly believe in a free market economy but defended Yugoslavia -- a country bombed for its refusal to adopt a free market economy).

Somehow through the confusion of seeing right and left trade their traditional positions on the justness of war an antiwar computer consensus emerged that demanded to be heard and became a factor that had to be reckoned with. Within mere months, the war opposition that had taken root among the public bubbled to the surface in the House of Representatives last May in a tie vote registering no-confidence in the administration's war policy, 213-213, a vote followed just a few weeks later by an abrupt halt in the bombing. Can one recall a more dramatic triumph of democracy than in this affirmation of the goal of peace by the representatives of the people?

The Pentagon fought the information war in the Balkans using the old media: newspapers and TV. They failed to stir the traditional pro-war, patriotic fervor, however, because, increasingly, public opinion is being shaped today not by TV but by computer.

As compared with their support for action against the Ayatollah Khomeini in Iran and against Saddam Hussein in Iraq, the public's reaction to this war was to sit on its hands and turn away from the kiddie cartoon version of a war in Yugoslavia that the video media crafted with the help of military and CIA psychological operations specialists who literally occupied CNN newsrooms and production facilities. Even in spite of all that effort, like a big budget Hollywood movie that nobody went to see, "Operation Allied Force" was a disaster at the box office. Does anybody even remember that corny name?

As we approach the one year anniversary of the start of NATO bombing of Yugoslavia three days from now, let's take satisfaction that the war has been such an embarrassing subject that not a single presidential candidate from the two major parties has so much as mentioned it! Given the fact that the war was undeclared and indeed that the word "war" was not even used to describe an operation that involved 40,000 Western bombing sorties, the uprooting of a million people, ten thousand civilian deaths, and the destruction of 1,500 towns and 40 per cent of the buildings in Kosovo alone by the NATO bombing - to the point that 1.2 billion dollars would now be needed to rebuild housing in Kosovo alone - given the fact that even with all that bloodshed and destruction NATO was able to destroy only 13 Yugoslavian tanks, and is it any wonder "Kosovo" is a war regarding which no major political candidate has dared speak its name?

Odds are, however, that this issue will not stay quiet very much longer because, for one thing, the war is still going on and in fact heating up with every passing day, and furthermore those who originally set it in motion had grandiose goals that are still far from being achieved, goals that can only be achieved by a confrontation with Yugoslavia's unyielding regime.

As far as the war still going on is concerned, indications are that another call by the United States for a resumption of bombing and perhaps ground operations will be made in the very near future. A blockade of the Republic of Montenegro set up early this month by the Milosevic government seems to set the stage for yet another U.S./NATO rescue mission. This time it would be on behalf of the government of Montenegro President Milo Djukanovic, the king of European cigarette smuggling, who is expected to follow in the footsteps of Slovenia, Macedonia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, and (soon to be added to this list, Kosovo), and stage a secession from the Yugoslav federation.

Also indicative that the war is recharging is the renewal of Albanian aggressive acts, not only against Serb civilians but this time even against NATO/UN peacekeeping personnel. Persecution, bombings, and killings of Serbs by revenge-minded Albanians have taken place under the nose of and with the apparent protection of the greatly overmatched UN international peacekeepers. In a sign of the underwhelming international support that there is for the Balkan mission, the UN countries who supposedly pledged to provide a total of 5,000 troops to police the streets of Kosovo instead only provided 2500. In the past few weeks, everyone in a position of authority in relation to Kosovo, from UN Secretary General Kofi Annan on down, has proclaimed the area to be out of control. Either a mono-racial Albanian state entirely "cleansed" of Serbs will emerge in Kosovo, a republic that NATO at war's end had agreed would remain as a territorial part of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, or Kosovo will be partitioned as in Bosnia and Cold War Berlin.

Incredible as it may seem, NATO had gone to war without first having in place a game plan for postwar occupation of a country that it invaded and occupied. Now that it has total authority, it's making up a new script each day as it goes along. Ten years is the minimum forecast I have read for how long this travesty of an occupation will last, and some have said fifty. Its mission compromised to the core, its authority mocked by their having served as protectors to the gangland violence of its Kosovo Albanian dependents, the UN occupation and security force has reduced retiring NATO commander Clark to putting out desperate calls for more troops - and caused NATO's own field officers and monitors to warn that troops may now be needed to quell these same Albanians that we embraced and set up as a fighting force in the first place.

On February 13th, in the city of Mitrovica where 50,000 of the remaining 100,000 Serbs who have not yet been driven out of Kosovo still live, UN personnel were overmatched by sniper fire and crowds throwing rocks and grenades in a march on the city that's known for its prized Trepca mineral mines. Wresting control of the mines and their 17 billion tons of coal reserves, plus lead, zinc, cadmium, silver, and gold treasures from the government in Belgrade has been seen as a goal not just of the Albanian insurgents of Kosovo but also of the international industrial and investment interests who stand poised to reap major benefits from NATO dominion over the area.

The mines have been called "the most valuable piece of real estate in the Balkans." Many of Kosovo's pro-secession Albanians who had worked in the mines were weeded out and replaced with Poles, Czechs, and Serbs by the Milosevic administration in the 1980's after having committed a spate of strikes, sabotage incidents, and violence against fellow-Albanian miners who remained loyal to the government in Belgrade.

The guns of insurgents who fought for the KLA and for secession of Kosovo from Yugoslavia are still targeted on these fellow -Albanians "traitors" who remain pro-Belgrade and whom they would like to oust from the mines. The 70,000 Albanians who rallied in Mitrovica have plainly lost patience with the UN occupation which they had expected would re-establish employment in the mines for Albanians who are pro-KLA. Obviously the mines are not just a flashpoint, they are the flashpoint for any future hostilities in Kosovo.

The Trepca mines first attracted notice in the early days of the war when NATO spokesmen alleged that they held one thousand bodies of Albanian victims of Serb ethnic murders. The Mirror of London wrote that the name Trepca would "live alongside those of Belsen, Auschwitz and Treblinka, etched in the memories of those whose loved ones met a bestial end in true Nazi Final Solution fashion." But in the aftermath of the bombing ceasefire investigators for the International Criminal Tribunal on the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) found no human remains there at all!

If the name Trepca continues to live in infamy it will be as a symbol not of genocide but of the official invention of a fake genocide to justify war against a nation that had committed no offense other than a refusal to allow the major Western nations to plunder it.

Along with Trepca all other evidence of Serb genocide has collapsed, the 100,000 ethnic murders of which "Mr." Milosevic was accused by Defense Secretary Cohen were pure invention as admitted even by hardliner Adem Demaci of the KLA who put the figure at closer to seven thousand. However, the ICTY forensic teams who were sent to look for bodies wound up actually finding remains of only a few hundred persons and even these bodies were conceded to have been likely insurgent combat troops rather than innocent civilians. At the very most, the ICTY teams estimated that the total count of bodies found would be something like 2,000. No less an authority than KLA "minister" Hashim Thaci has himself now admitted that the notorious so-called "massacre" at Racak, the incident that outraged the world and gained world support for NATO action, was the result of a bald-faced provocation by KLA terrorists who used the photographed bodies of their own snipers as "proof" of a Serbian ethnic bloodbath.

While this is not news on the television media, which refuse to report these revelations, it's big news on the internet where official lies and disinformation are routinely deflated in a matter of hours after being proclaimed. Indeed, in spite of NATO's seeming media advantage, the winners of the information age's first internet war have been the forces of peace! A determined information-gathering resistance movement on the internet has grown in influence over this past year to such a point that it has succeeded in stripping away the humanitarian fig leaf that NATO wore when the war first started and with it all credibility of the governments of nineteen of the most powerful countries in the world. That is a big, big accomplishment.

Hence while a new war, even an expanded war, has perhaps never been so close, the power of those who seek peace has never seemed greater, either.

The next time this country goes to war, whether in the Balkans or against some small, defenseless country elsewhere on the planet, how can our pretense of humanitarian motive be believed now that internet researchers have exposed our hidden intentions in Yugoslavia and forced revisions of the official spin on that war to be made in the historical record?

The entrance of the U.S. into the Balkans was shocking when it happened because of our trampling of international war codes, treaties, and rules of conduct taken for granted for decades, and even centuries. The UN Security Council - out of business. The Geneva Convention prohibiting aggression against civilian populations - null and void. The War Powers Act forbidding foreign military intervention without Congressional authorization - never heard of it. I even read that we had violated the Treaty of Westphalia of 1648! The internet revolution broke down the mystique of foreign affairs expertise, allowing citizens like ourselves to have technical information such as this. Now we have an opportunity to sort through the sheer mountain of data, and, if we stay the course, to find out exactly what goes on inside the Leviathan of the war machine, and exactly how a nightmarish war such as we have seen in Yugoslavia is made from drawing board through fait accompli.

It's exactly appropriate that among the most influential sources of truth about this war have been two websites, the absolutely essential antiwar.com and one entitled The Emperor's New Clothes - www.tenc.net. Here are just some of the revelations with which that latter website and others have succeeded in tearing away the aura of righteous purpose in which the makers of the NATO war on Yugoslavia have vainly struggled to clothe themselves.

By the time the bombing was two weeks old it was clear to anybody following it on the internet that restoring ethnic harmony in Kosovo was not the reason we were in Yugoslavia. Now a year later a consensus has grown that what the U.S. had sought for Kosovo is for it to be a permanent colonial protectorate, a launching pad for America to move into the former Soviet bloc countries. Prior to the war, America had military bases in 100 countries around the world but not Yugoslavia. Yugoslavia was the very the last country in Europe without an American base. Now, thanks to the war the largest American base in Europe is in Kosovo.

Emperor's Clothes has published many entries by writer Diana Johnstone. She characterizes Yugoslavia as "a testing ground and a metaphor for the Soviet Union." In other words, American orchestration of the downfall of Yugoslavia (by abetting the breakaway of its member republics) is only a dress rehearsal for future usage of the same dismemberment strategy against Russia. Supporting the idea that America is positioning itself to revive the Cold War struggle against Russia are several articles on Emperor's Clothes including a 1996 paper by Sean Gervasi which asserts that America wants to have the status of a "European power," and to expand eastward, eventually taking over the running and economic exploitation of former east bloc countries such as the Ukraine, Georgia, and Azerbaijan.

As long as four years ago Gervasi was proclaiming that far from being a tightly knit partnership, the western alliance is falling apart. In his analysis, fearing that the emergence of the European Union, of which the U.S. is not a member, would make Germany rather than ourselves the supreme power in Europe, the U.S. sought war in the Balkans to carve out a post-Cold War domain for NATO, of which we are a member, and a way to make NATO be the supreme power in Europe.

Gervasi's theory is as follows: worried that our fellow NATO countries had only weakly supported American action in the Gulf War (with our so-called allies relying almost wholly on American manpower and firepower), the U.S. cooked up a Balkan crisis in order to lift NATO out of its doldrums and establish American supremacy by dazzling our allies with American high tech firepower. Implicit in this theory is that America had acted in the hope that Europe would see that this country sets the standard for military manufacture and would have to buy American military goods.

As early as the 1980's American strategists were plotting ways that NATO intervention against "rogue nations" would give the U.S. and its fellow members of NATO a new cause. Just as the old empires of Europe conquered whole continents in the name of a "civilizing mission," NATO would roam the planet as protectors of human rights and as humanitarian rescuers.

Another contributor to Emperor's Clothes (and other antiwar websites), Michael Chossudowsky, documents the way the U.S. used the American-controlled International Monetary Fund, with its power of foreclosure as financial lender, to smash the Yugoslavian economy, render that country helpless against foreign takeover, and create such outrageous social and economic conditions that military intervention by outside countries would seem like the only solution.

Finally, once again from Emperor's Clothes, on March 12th we were privileged to get the first American posting of investigations by the major London newspapers and BBC television that show how America's CIA created the pro-Albanian Kosovo Liberation Army to spread terror against Serbia and the government in Belgrade. When Belgrade acted to stop the shootings, burnings, and kidnappings by the KLA Western media portrayed Belgrade's law & order measures as racial genocide against Albanians. In such way the impression was created of a humanitarian crisis that NATO used as cover for a military aggression.

Now one year after the initial bombing of Yugoslavia, America has installed itself as an occupying power in Kosovo. Like Korea, like Berlin and the two Germanies during the Cold War, Yugoslavia is now a divided country with two republics (Bosnia and Kosovo) that are protectorates run by outside international bodies mainly staffed by Americans.

Is the United States simply getting carried away with its own self-righteous sense of a mission to save mankind, as many anti-war conservatives who hate the idea of governments acting on the basis of paternalistic compassion, such as Pat Buchanan, charge, or is the U.S. committing itself to interventionism because of some more practical and self-interested motive?

We do not read much about it or hear about it in the major media, but the internet has carried dozens of articles about the economic benefits that the U.S. stands to reap from its presence in Kosovo: first of all the U.S. seeks to build an oil pipeline from Azerbaijan in the former Soviet Central Asia right across Kosovo and Croatia. With its domination of Kosovo the U.S. would have control over the future main supply of oil to the European continent.

And in Kosovo as in many other countries before it, America has sided with factions that reap huge profits from the drug trade thus implicitly suggesting that our government has a stake in that trade that has become a vital form of military financing. First Afghanistan, then the Nicaraguan contras, then Panama, and now it's our latest client, Albania. 80 percent of Europe's heroin supply comes from Albania, which has used drug sales to fund KLA expansion into Kosovo and made Kosovo an indispensable link in the Albanian drug trade. Our armed forces are being readied for an expedition to stop the drug trade in Colombia. Has one word been said to suggest that the military in Kosovo might want to stop the drug trade in Kosovo as well?

It's been hard for anyone who knows the truth about the KLA and drugs to watch TV personalities such as Geraldo Rivera go to Albania and stand side by side in solidarity with these anti-Serb rebels whom they characterize as freedom fighters. Only on the internet do we discover that these brave patriots are funded almost entirely by profits from heroin and other major-scale organized crime activity including prostitution.

Give credit to the internet resistance, then, for exposing truths such as these about the war in Yugoslavia. In today's information wars, computer truth forces are the modern day successors of the war resistance of Yugoslavian partisans and chetniks who stood up to Hitler during World War II.

In just three days we will mark the one year anniversary of NATO's air invasion of Yugoslavia on March 24, 1999. It so happens that that date coincides with another anniversary, the birth of Yugoslavian resistance to Adolf Hitler on March 26-27, 1941. On that date after Hitler had struck a deal with Yugoslavia's Prince Regent, Yugoslavia's armed forces rose up and overthrew his government, as crowds spat on the German minister's car. Allow me to quote from William L. Shirer's classic account of the years of the Third Reich:

"The coup in Belgrade threw Adolf Hitler into one of the wildest rages of his entire life. He took it as a personal affront and in his fury made sudden decisions which would prove utterly disastrous to the fortunes of the Third Reich. Yugoslavia (he said) would be crushed with 'unmerciful harshness.' He ordered Goering to 'destroy Belgrade in attacks by waves' with bombers operating from Hungarian air bases." He then postponed his invasion of Russia by four weeks thus guaranteeing that it would end in failure and the snows of the Russian winter.

The bombing of Belgrade by the Luftwaffe began on April 6, 1941, razing the city to the ground and killing 17,000 civilians. In an eerie forshadowing of today's tradition of giving each war its own action-movie title such as "Operation Desert Storm" in Iraq and "Operation Allied Force" in Kosovo, Hitler's air attack on Yugoslavia was called "Operation Punishment." On April 13, 1941, Yugoslavia was overwhelmed by the German blitz, and the army surrendered at Sarajevo. Under the occupation industrialist Alfried von Krupp and Reichsmarshall Hermann Goering personally divided up the spoils of Yugoslavia's precious mines. However the Yugoslavian partisans, consisting primarily of Serbs, fought on, resisting all foreign domination including, after the war, that of the Soviet Union.

Of all the countries that were overrun by Hitler's armies, Yugoslavia set a unique example in fighting back and offering armed resistance. The heroic resistance to military aggression demonstrated by the Serbs of Yugoslavia, which started with Serbia's declaration of independence after World War I and has now withstood three invasions including NATO's, should not only not be forgotten, but should inspire us today.

Yugoslavia is once again being eyed as an outpost for the west in Central Europe, a fortified American emplacement in readiness for war with Russia. The stubborn Serbs of that country have shown that they will endure any suffering to prevent their land from being used for such a scenario. We must find the strength to match the Serbs in their heritage of resistance to war, and it looks as though we will be called upon to do so if, as appears likely, NATO's war against Yugoslavia intensifies in the very near future.

Geoff Berne is a southwestern Ohio newspaper and internet contributor, member of advocacy organizations, and political consultant.

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