FEATURES
Churchill for dummies
Winston S. Churchill is the hero
of George W. Bush and the neocons. But, says Michael Lind,
they know very little about the great wartime leader. If they did,
they’d be horrified
Soon after the installation by the Republican-majority
Supreme Court of George the Second of the House of Bush, the American
people learned that they had a new Founding Father: Winston Churchill.
President George W. Bush let it be known that he had placed a bust
of the British statesman in the White House Oval Office he had inherited
from his dad. After the attack on the World Trade Center, the President’s
speeches became self-consciously Churchillian. Earlier this year,
marking the opening of a Churchill exhibition at the Library of
Congress, Bush observed that Churchill was not just ‘the rallying
voice of the second world war’ but also ‘a prophet of the Cold War’.
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Like his grand strategy, with its combination of unilateral American
world domination with nearly indiscriminate support for Israel’s Ariel
Sharon, the cult of Churchill has been adopted by Bush from American
neoconservatives. Churchill looms far larger in the mythology of neoconservatives
than in the minds of mainstream Americans, who think of him as the
brave and witty ally of President Franklin Roosevelt in the war against
Hitler.
The Weekly Standard, the neoconservative magazine funded by Rupert
Murdoch and edited by William Kristol, has become the centre of the
neocon Churchill cult. A Nexus search of the Weekly Standard of the
past five years alone reveals 122 articles that mention Churchill.
Typical is an essay of 4 March 1999 entitled ‘How Winston Churchill
Can Save Us — Again’ by one Larry Arn, a frequent contributor who
is an academic adviser to something called the International Churchill
Society.
On 10 January 2000, the Weekly Standard declared that Winston Churchill
was ‘Man of the Century’. This view is the consensus among the neocons.
Charles Krauthammer, the Canadian émigré pundit, has written, ‘After
having single-handedly saved Western civilisation from Nazi barbarism
— Churchill was, of course, not sufficient in bringing victory, but
he was uniquely necessary — he then immediately rose to warn prophetically
against its sister barbarism, Soviet communism.’ Krauthammer’s fellow
Canadian émigré, David Frum, denounced Bill Clinton for declaring
that Franklin Roosevelt was the ‘Man of the Century’. According to
Frum, who was still a subject of Her Majesty when he was hired as
a speechwriter by George W. Bush’s White House, ‘FDR has to be found
wanting. Of the three great killers of this century, one (Mao) was
aided by Communist sympathisers within the Roosevelt administration
...Another (Stalin) benefited from Roosevelt’s almost wilful naiveté
about the Soviet Union ...Roosevelt’s record even on the third killer,
Hitler, is spotty. Roosevelt recognised Hitler’s danger early, but
he hesitated to jeopardise his hopes for an unprecedented third term
by riling isolationist opinion...’. Reading Krauthammer and Frum,
you have to wonder whether Winston Churchill might not have ‘single-handedly’
won the second world war and saved civilisation even sooner, if he
had not been handicapped by his alliance with the United States.
Only a Canadian like Frum could claim that FDR was an appeaser, compared
with Churchill. It was Churchill who, in 1937, wrote in his book Great
Contemporaries, ‘One may dislike Hitler’s system and yet admire his
patriotic achievement. If our country were defeated, I hope we should
find a champion as indomitable to restore our courage and lead us
back to our place among the nations.’ Churchill’s posthumous reputation
as an uncompromising anti-Soviet hardliner is another neocon myth.
True, Churchill’s ‘Iron Curtain’ speech of 1946 was seen as too strident
by the Truman administration and much of the American public. But
during the war it was Churchill, not FDR, who haggled with Stalin
over ‘percentages’ of postwar influence in Eastern Europe and the
Balkans. And in the mid-Fifties Churchill thought that Eisenhower
was too hard on the Soviets and kept pushing the naive idea that a
big-power summit could end the Cold War. The neocons never quote Churchill’s
statement of 1954, ‘To jaw-jaw is always better than to war-war.’
The neocon goal of promoting democracy worldwide was shared by FDR
and Woodrow Wilson, but not by the Tory Prime Minister who called
Gandhi a ‘fakir’ and announced that he would not preside over the
dissolution of the British Empire.
The peculiar neocon cult of Churchill has several sources. One is
the veneration by the neocons of Leo Strauss, the German-Jewish émigré
philosopher who taught at the University of Chicago and indoctrinated
many leading neocon thinkers, including the late Allan Bloom. In declaring
Churchill the ‘Man of the Century’, the Weekly Standard piously reprinted
remarks that Strauss made at the time of Churchill’s death in 1965.
Strauss’s Churchill was Hitler’s nemesis: ‘The contrast between the
indomitable and magnanimous statesman and the insane tyrant — this
spectacle in its clear simplicity was one of the greatest lessons
which men can learn, at any time.’
Straussians like Leon Kass, the president of Bush’s bioethics panel,
are opposed not only to reproductive cloning, but also to therapeutic
cloning, embryonic stem-cell research and the well established practice
of in vitro fertilisation. In an essay entitled ‘Can There Be Another
Winston Churchill?’, published in 1981, the Straussian scholar Harry
V. Jaffa claimed that Churchill would have opposed modern biotechnology:
‘Churchill’s most formative years were spent during the heyday of
what we might call the evolutionary enlightenment. This was the period
when the progress of Science, and in particular biological Science,
gave rise to widespread hopes that the human species itself might
deliberately be evolved ...The fittest might be planned in laboratories,
and the test of their fitness would be their faculty for the harmonious
and simultaneous enjoyment of all the objects of their desires.’ Churchill,
Jaffa tells us, ‘implied that this state of perfect freedom, were
it possible, would be a state of perfect misery’.
Jaffa doesn’t quote Churchill on this subject — possibly because,
contrary to his implication, Churchill, unlike today’s American neocons,
was an enthusiastic supporter of eugenics, who told Asquith in 1910,
‘The unnatural and increasingly rapid growth of the feeble-minded
and insane classes, coupled as it is with a steady restriction among
the thrifty, energetic and superior stocks, constitutes a national
and race danger which it is impossible to exaggerate ... I feel that
the source from which the stream of madness is fed should be cut off
and sealed up before another year has passed.’ Hitler’s ultimately
genocidal programme of ‘racial hygiene’ began with the kind of compulsory
sterilisation of ‘the feeble-minded and insane classes’ that Churchill
urged on the British government (and which was carried out in many
states in the US in the early 20th century).
Two other factors influencing neocon Churchill mania are ‘the Anglosphere’
and Israel. As Jeet Heer pointed out in the National Post of Canada
on 29 March 2003, ‘Today’s advocates of empire share one surprising
trait: very few of them were born in the United States. [Dinesh] D’Souza
was born in India, and [Paul] Johnson in Britain — where he still
lives. [Mark] Steyn, [Charles] Krauthammer and [Michael] Ignatieff
all hail from Canada ...’ Heer quotes Max Boot, a Russian-born neocon:
‘I think there’s more openness among children of the British Empire
to the benefits of imperialism.’ Like Churchill, whose mother was
American and who chronicled the history of the English-speaking peoples,
the neocons and allied British conservatives like Conrad Black and
John O’Sullivan, now editor of the Washington-based journal the National
Interest, are enthusiastic about the idea that the world should be
led by the ‘Anglosphere’. Outside these circles, however, the idea
of an English-speaking union is ignored today as in the past by most
Americans, who don’t see why Australia’s south-east Asian borders
should be America’s.
As for the Israeli connection — a familiar feature of neocon ideology
— Churchill, a lifelong supporter of Zionism, was a social Darwinist
who preferred Jews to Arabs. On one occasion he wrote of the legitimacy
of displacing ‘the Red Indians of America or the black people of Australia.
I do not admit that a wrong has been done to these people by the fact
that a stronger race, a higher-grade race, a more worldly wise race,
has come in and taken their place.’ Churchill’s Zionism coexisted
with a fear that the Jews, deprived of a homeland, might make trouble
for the world. In an essay that he wrote for the Illustrated Sunday
Herald in 1920 entitled ‘Zionism versus Bolshevism’, which the neocons
never quote, Churchill ranted that Jews were behind world revolutions
everywhere: ‘This movement among the Jews is not new. From the days
of Spartacus-Weishaupt to those of Karl Marx, and down to Trotsky
[Russia], Bela Kun [Hungary], Rosa Luxemburg [Germany], and Emma Goldman
[the United States] ... this worldwide conspiracy for the overthrow
of civilisation and for the reconstitution of society on the basis
of arrested development, of envious malevolence, and impossible equality,
has been steadily growing.’ If Jews, whom Churchill described as denizens
of ‘the underworld of the great cities of Europe and America’, could
have their homeland, perhaps they would not — to use Churchill’s words
— conspire ‘for the overthrow of civilisation’.
Most American neocons know only the sanitised version of Churchill
as a philo-semitic Zionist fellow traveller presented by Martin Gilbert.
In an essay entitled ‘Israel at 50’, Alan Bock wrote, ‘Sir Martin
Gilbert, the incredibly prolific British historian (and secular Jew,
as he described himself to me), best known for his multi-volume treatment
of the life and times of Winston Churchill, puts it this way in his
new book, Israel: A History: “Israel is not only a nation that for
the first three decades of its existence was surrounded by sworn enemies,
but one that, following a victorious war in 1967, has had to share
part of its own land with another people.”’ According to Churchill
hagiographer Gilbert, then, even before 1967 the West Bank and Gaza
were part of Israel’s ‘own land’.
While most Americans think of Churchill as the foe of the Nazis, many
right-wing Jews in the United States and Israel revere him for his
role in promoting European-Jewish colonisation of Palestine at the
expense of the Arabs. When he was colonial secretary in the early
1920s, Churchill hived off Jordan from the rest of the Palestinian
mandate. For years, American neocons, disseminating the propaganda
of the Israeli Right, have claimed that Jordan or the ‘Trans-Jordan’
is, or should be, the only ‘Palestinian’ state. This Likud party propaganda
line is echoed by non-Jewish neocons including William Bennett, who
wrote in an essay entitled ‘Standing with Israel’, ‘There is no reason
Jews should not be able to live in the West Bank.’ The fact that the
UN partition of Palestine in 1947–48 superseded all previous British
decisions is ignored by radical Jewish and Christian Zionists in the
US and Israel.
In a speech to the House of Commons on 26 January 1949, Churchill
repeated the Israeli lie that the Palestinians had voluntarily fled
the country: ‘All this Arab population fled in terror to behind the
advancing forces of their own religion.’ The Israeli historian Benny
Morris, on the basis of Israeli archives, has shown how the Israeli
government carried out a premeditated policy of deliberate ethnic
cleansing during the war. When he turned 80 in 1954, the state of
Israel sent Churchill a floral arrangement in the shape of a cigar.
It should be no surprise, then, that the neocon cult of Churchill
flourishes in Israel as well as in the US. Shortly before he was appointed
as senior director for Near Eastern and North African affairs at the
National Security Council — a post that gave him responsibility for
Israel/Palestine, Iraq, Syria and Iran — Elliott Abrams gave a speech
comparing Ariel Sharon to Winston Churchill. ‘Sharon’s no Churchill,’
complained Don Feder, another neoconservative, on 15 March 2002. ‘Ariel
Sharon has a split personality. He wants to be both Winston Churchill
and Neville Chamberlain. His unilateral concessions, his unwillingness
to treat Zion’s fight for survival as the war it is and the weakness
he exhibits to a remorseless foe have his country on the edge of extinction.’
Yes, that’s right — Israel, in 2002, according to this typical American
neocon, was on the edge of extinction! Fortunately, according to Feder,
there was a Churchill in Israel: ‘Bibi [Netanyahu] waits in the wings....’
Whether or not Sharon or Netanyahu are Churchill, Yasser Arafat and
any enemy of the state of Israel is Hitler — on that all neocons can
agree.
The obsession of the neocons with Israel’s regional enemy Saddam Hussein
has a Churchill connection, too. On 16 March 2003, the Wall Street
Journal published an op-ed by Churchill’s grandson and namesake, Winston
S. Churchill, entitled ‘My Grandfather Invented Iraq: And He Has Lessons
for Us Today’. He wrote, ‘It was my grandfather, Winston Churchill,
who invented Iraq and laid the foundation for much of the modern Middle
East.’ This is not an accomplishment of which to be proud, one might
think. Churchill went on to draw the conventional comparison between
the threat of Saddam and the threat of Hitler: ‘Had the allies held
firm and shown the same resolve to uphold the rule of law among nations
that President Bush and Prime Minister Tony Blair are demonstrating
today, there is little doubt that World War II, with all its horrors,
could have been avoided.’ Churchill’s grandson then compared the threat
of Saddam’s supposed weapons of mass destruction with the Soviet atomic
bomb: ‘As leader of the opposition in the British Parliament [in the
1950s] Churchill was gravely alarmed at the prospect of the Soviet
Union acquiring atomic, and eventually nuclear, weapons of its own.’
If the world refused to follow those Churchillian leaders, Bush and
Blair, then ‘a marriage of convenience would be consummated between
the terrorist forces of al-Qa’eda and the arsenal of chemical, biological
and nuclear capabilities which Saddam possesses’.
Citing Churchill to support Bush’s war to rid Iraq of alleged weapons
of mass destruction was particularly ironic in light of Churchill’s
own record with respect to WMDs in Iraq. As colonial secretary in
1919, Churchill wanted to use gas against the ‘unco-operative Arabs’
in Iraq. He explained, in terms that Saddam might have used to justify
his gassing of Iraqi Kurds, ‘I do not understand the squeamishness
about the use of gas. I am strongly in favour of using poison gas
against uncivilised tribes.’
It is now clear that Saddam possessed no ‘arsenal of chemical, biological
and nuclear capabilities’ and the US government has reluctantly admitted
that there are no credible links, prewar or postwar, between Saddam’s
regime and al-Qa’eda. Even their harshest critics, therefore, must
acknowledge that in one respect the neocons have lived up to the words
of Winston Churchill: ‘In wartime ...truth is so precious that she
should always be attended by a bodyguard of lies.’
Michael Lind is the Whitehead Senior Fellow at the New America
Foundation in Washington, D.C., and author of Made in Texas: George
W. Bush and the Southern Takeover of American Politics.
© 2004 The Spectator.co.uk
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