FEATURES
The terror, the terror
Iraq is becoming daily more chaotic
and murderous, says Richard Beeston. DVDs of beheadings are
selling in their thousands. Westerners are hated and live in constant
fear
Baghdad
You might have thought that sitting down to watch a series of filmed
executions would become tedious after the tenth unfortunate victim
is dragged before the camera to be slaughtered like a sheep. After
all, most of the characters do not change much. There are the hooded
Islamic holy warriors standing to attention, as the charges are
read out to the accused, usually a man in an orange jumpsuit kneeling
and blindfolded on the floor before them. The sets are the same
too, often a dingy cement backroom in a house probably on the outskirts
of Baghdad. The build-up is tedious. A martial song in Arabic exhorts
the faithful to fight and then the commander reads out a statement,
often a hammy delivery that even a B-movie Egyptian actor would
not get away with. But the closing scenes never fail to shock, no
matter how often you witness the sight of a man gasping his last
breath as his head is hacked off with a knife. After two or three
of these savage episodes you begin to feel physically sick and somehow
complicit in these terrible acts.
So why is it that the snuff movies, which are being deliberately
distributed by the killers, are being snapped up in their thousands
on DVDs across Iraq? A year ago Iraqis liked nothing better than
buying illicit pornography or video footage of Saddam Hussein’s
henchmen torturing and killing their victims. It was assumed that
this lurid fascination would wear off now that, after 40 years of
state television, Iraqis have access to 24-hour satellite television.
But no, something more disturbing is at work here. In the latest
video to hit the streets an Egyptian man, accused of spying for
the Americans, is paraded before a camera and has his head severed
in a matter of seconds by a powerfully built executioner. Before
the murder the video shows footage filmed from the camera of an
American warplane that fires a missile into a crowded street; and
then pictures of Iraqi civilian victims of the fighting.
The unmistakable message, sent by the fanatical Tawhid wal Jihad
(Unity and Holy War) group, is clear. All non-Muslims and even their
Muslim collaborators deserve to be executed in the most brutal manner
conceivable as punishment for occupying Iraq. A year ago most Iraqis
would dismiss these actions as the work of fanatics bent on plunging
the country into civil war. After all, the same group is responsible
for blowing up the United Nations building a year ago and killing
scores of Shia Muslims during their pilgrimage earlier this year
in an attempt to spark sectarian strife.
Worryingly the group, led by Abu Musab al-Zarkawi, a Jordanian with
links to al-Qa’eda, is no longer a fringe movement but is finding
a receptive audience for its message. This month, when heavy fighting
erupted on Haifa Street — a main artery through central Baghdad
where the old British embassy is located — the group’s distinctive
black flag with a yellow circle suddenly sprang up on balconies
and lampposts throughout the neighbourhood. Where once the group
was accused of being a front for foreign fighters from Syria and
Saudi Arabia, now it is clear that Iraqis too are joining the call,
or at least adopting the same tactics.
Beheadings and executions of Nepalese contract workers, Turkish
truck drivers, American civilians and ordinary Iraqis accused of
collaborating with the Americans are now commonplace. The lucky
ones are shot, but many turn up with their severed heads bound to
their bodies.
The brutality of this struggle, which seems likely to intensify
as the date approaches for the first elections in January, completely
dominates working life. Correspondents no longer bother writing
about the failure of reconstruction, electricity cuts or even attacks
on American troops. There is no reconstruction to speak of and the
chronic crime, grinding traffic and other grim aspects of life go
largely unnoticed. A colleague came within a second of being blown
to pieces by a roadside bomb detonated in front of his car on a
major motorway in the city earlier this week. The incident was simply
another delay to his journey and he did not even bother writing
about it. Although several Americans and Iraqis were injured in
the blast, it no longer makes news. The car bombs, which explode
almost daily and have killed more than 100 Iraqis in the past week,
are barely worth a mention unless the death toll climbs into double
figures.
Today, living in Baghdad is a simple fight for survival, particularly
for the small band of Westerners who still inhabit the city alongside
the Iraqi residents. In a year the response to a foreign face in
Baghdad has evolved from a smiling ‘hello, Mister’, to a sulky stare
and the odd obscene gesture, to today’s look of disbelief or even
open hostility. A Westerner walking the street in Baghdad today
is a conversation-stopper, which is why we move as little as possible
through the city. After the abduction in Baghdad of one British
and two American engineers living in the fashionable Mansour area
of the city, the few Westerners still living among Iraqis now find
themselves in the frontline of this ghastly new twist to the conflict.
The Times house was abandoned some time ago because of security
scares. Others who had hung on hoping the situation might improve
have finally given up. They have been checking into the relative
safety of my hotel all week like refugees in search of sanctuary.
Others have simply left the country. Even those with contacts in
the Iraqi resistance against the Americans are not immune. Two journalists
recently had to flee the scene of fighting to avoid being abducted
by gangs of gunmen. In both cases they were helped by commanders
in the Iraqi insurgency who stalled the militant Islamic jihadists
and allowed the foreigners to flee.
The only real defence is to remain inconspicuous. My driver’s car,
for instance, has blacked-out windows. We leave the hotel at different
times every day and make sure to vary our routes. If we are visiting
someone at home or in an office, we drive around the streets first
to make sure no one is lying in wait. Some areas of the country
and even Baghdad are completely off limits, like the towns of Fallujah
and Ramadi, certain militant Sunni Muslim mosques and notorious
neighbourhoods. Most interviews are limited to 15 minutes before
we are back on the road. I last had to employ these techniques when
I lived in Beirut 20 years ago and abducting Westerners was fashionable.
But, with a few exceptions, most of those abductions were conducted
in order to get ransoms. Many hostages were held for years but most
were eventually freed. In Lebanon kidnapping was business, not personal.
Here your life expectancy in the hands of al-Zarkawi’s group is
probably a few days at best.
In the chaos of post-Saddam Iraq there are few certainties. But
now, on my sixth visit to Baghdad since the war, one simple rule
seems valid: things only get worse.
Richard Beeston is the diplomatic editor of the Times.
© 2004 The Spectator.co.uk
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