Then
it was the turn of the hideous harridan to let fly.
"This is damaging to American foreign policy,"
she spluttered. It would send a "very dangerous signal."
What would Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica say? The
poor man "is putting together his new coalition."
The Bush proposal would give heart to "anti-democratic
forces in each of those countries who may feel they just
need to hold on until American troops leave." One would
have thought that if Kostunica were a genuine democrat,
he would welcome the departure of US troops, if only to
demonstrate his vaunted "independence." The former
NATO Supreme Commander, the demented General Wesley Clark,
also got in on the act. If the United States were to end
its participation in the Balkans, he warned, "we would
lose influence." "Influence" with whom and
to what end he did not explain.
The
media, as usual, took their lead from US Government officials.
Needless to say, the New
York Times
beat all comers for fatuousness. "The job of securing
peace in Bosnia and Kosovo is far from complete," an
editorial sternly warned the other day. Moreover, "the
NATO alliance has been built on a concept of shared risk
that is inconsistent with a total withdrawal of American
ground forces from Balkan peacekeeping." Then with
a disregard for logic typical for the in-house organ of
contemporary liberal sanctimony, the Times praised
the Clinton Administration for having "done a good
job of insisting that America’s share of peacekeeping responsibilities
be steadily reduced." Dubya’s proposal, on the other
hand, "challenges some of the basic assumptions of
the Western military alliance…. Europe cannot be expected
to accept an alliance in which Washington exercises political
and military leadership but does not subject its own forces
to any of the risks of ground operations." The thought
the editorial writer could not bring himself to entertain
is that the time for Washington exercising "political
and military leadership" is long past. The Cold War
ended years ago. Many Europeans only have a dim recollection
of it and often not even that. Such a thought would however
undermine the case for continuing US hegemony in Europe.
This ban on rational thought must lead eventually to something
close to insanity. A Washington Post editorial writer
appeared to be foaming at the mouth as he denounced Bush’s
proposal: It "would more likely lead to a division
of NATO itself to the end of the alliance." Leave aside
the salient issue of why we need NATO at all. Why is it
unreasonable to expect Europeans to address European security
issues? How would the Washington Post editorial board
respond to a European proposal to station troops in Colombia
and Peru the better to ensure "stability" and
"democracy" in Latin America?
As
the US media tell it, the Europeans will feel betrayed by
the United States. The New York Times wrote about
a "collective sigh of anxiety and even weariness among
European diplomats, officials and analysts." The Washington
Post
talks about "a wave of anxiety among the European
allies, who fear such a move would split the NATO alliance
and damage faith in U.S. leadership." What was extraordinary
about these "news" stories was how little they
relied on direct quotes or quotes for attribution. Apart
from the usual array of British foreign policy "experts" forever
nostalgic for the Anglo-American "special relationship"
that never was the reporters appear to have made up their
tales of woe out of whole cloth. The former British Labor
Defense Minister Lord Robertson, the new NATO secretary
general, has apparently warned visiting US congressmen that
the Bush proposal could undermine the whole idea of "risk
sharing, which is precisely the glue that holds the alliance
together." The source for the story was, inevitably,
that ubiquitous figure "one NATO official." "If
the United States says it will not perform certain tasks,
then the basic consensus of ‘all for one and one for all’
begins to unravel," a European ambassador was quoted
in the Washington Post, "Once you allow NATO
members to pick and choose their operations, then where
does it all end? The integrated military command could soon
fall apart and so would the alliance." One would have
thought the purpose of any alliance is to allow its members
to allow its members to perform the tasks they are best
suited for. But common sense is little valued in NATO. If
it were, it would have dissolved itself the moment the Soviet
Union disappeared from the scene. Through such outbursts
of hysteria and irrationality, the various NATO flacks and
toadies have managed to bully the public into continuing
to underwrite a military alliance without a purpose.
Our
media reflect the complacent assumption of US elites that
the rest of the world sees the actions of the United States
much the same way they do. Since US policymakers have convinced
themselves that peace is impossible anywhere without the
United States bestriding every continent, they assume that
this is a widely shared view. It is very comforting for
us to continue to see the Europeans as a bunch of indolent
adolescents who, without, the guidance of a strict taskmaster
in Washington, would collapse into a life of juvenile delinquency
and petty crime. By a strange coincidence, the unnamed European
officials quoted in the news stories invariably confirm
this edifying tale.
American
debate about NATO has an air of total unreality about it.
The truth is, the Europeans would be delighted to be rid
of the United States. Europe is rapidly consolidating and
gradually emerging as a geopolitical rival to the United
States. It is moving towards establishing a political federation,
with a directly elected president. It will soon have its
own Constitution. It is developing its own armed forces
and its own foreign policy. Even Britain, the United States’
most faithful ally in Europe, can no longer be counted on
to thwart the European project. There is no longer any question
that Britain will soon join the euro zone of countries probably
almost immediately after the next General Election. A recent
leaked memo from Downing Street stated that the political
case for Britain’s entry into the European single currency
is "already decided." Britain is creating joint
military forces with other European countries. The Ministry
of Defense recently opened discussions with Germany over
the possibility of a joint Anglo-German Tornado jet force
to attack enemy air defenses. Tony Blair talks of Europe
becoming a "political and economic superpower."
"Europe’s citizens need Europe to be strong and united.
Europe today is no longer just about peace. It is about
projecting collective power," he declared in Warsaw
earlier this month.
The
European Union is planning to deploy by 2003 a rapid-reaction
force comprising at least 60,000 troops. The Clinton Administration
has expressed many misgivings about this, but has no idea
how to stop it. Here is how Javier Solana, the European
Union’s high representative for the common foreign and security
policy, described European foreign and military policy in
the Financial Times recently: "As well as needing
rapid and effective decisions on international issues we
must have flexible armed forces available to back up those
decisions. A more effective foreign and security policy
begins with the political will to use all the available
instruments in a more coordinated and coherent way…. We
can use our diplomatic, economic and financial muscle to
influence the behavior of recalcitrant parties and aggressors.
But until now we have been unable to add military means
to the measures available. This is now changing. Our aim
is to integrate our military forces into a global crisis
management strategy. It is important that this initiative
is not misunderstood. It is not a move to militarize the
EU. Nor is it a threat to NATO. The aim is far more simple.
It is to allow the EU to tackle crises better, whether they
require a humanitarian or full-scale military response.
We want to do more to prevent crises in the first place
and to provide a rapid response before they spin out of
control." One has to decode this unappetizing piece
of Eurospeak. Behind the standard gobbledygook of warm and
fuzzy terms like "humanitarian" or "prevent
crises," lies a clear political agenda. Here are the
key sentences, and they are worth repeating: "A more
effective foreign and security policy begins with the political
will to use all the available instruments in a more coordinated
and coherent way…. We can use our diplomatic, economic and
financial muscle to influence the behavior of recalcitrant
parties and aggressors. But until now we have been unable
to add military means to the measures available. This is
now changing." There is nothing here about NATO, nothing
about the Grand Alliance with the United States, just an
assertion of the EU will to power.
Mired
as they are in Cold war nostalgia, US policymakers refuse
to take the idea of a European superpower seriously. On
the other hand, they have to be aware of the fierce disputes
over trade, now dominating transatlantic relations. Last
month the United States and the European Union barely avoided
a full-blown trade war. The EU had been threatening to impose
at least $4 billion of sanctions on US goods. This was in
retaliation for a multi-billion-dollar American tax break
scheme for exporters. Under the scheme, the United States
doles out billions of dollars a year in tax breaks to big
US exporters like Boeing and Microsoft through offshore
subsidiaries in tax havens such as the Virgin Islands, Barbados
or Guam. The World Trade Organization (WTO) had ruled earlier
this year that the program, which covers hundreds of billions
of dollars of exports, was an illegal export subsidy. Washington
was given until October 1 to change the system. The US did
nothing, and the EU was about to impose unilateral sanctions.
Such acts are now commonplace. Last year the United States
imposed punitive 100 percent import duties on more than
$300 million of European exports after the WTO had ruled
against the European Union over its ban on hormone-treated
beef from the United States, as well as over its restrictive
banana import rules.