Not That Glenn Reynolds Would Try to Mislead Anyone

Oh no. Perish the thought! He’s running with that Yushchenko poisoning "confirmed" story from the London Times – many hours after it’s been thoroughly debunked by the Associated Press, which reports:

"The cause of the illness that has left Ukrainian opposition leader Viktor Yushchenko’s face pockmarked is still not known, the director of the hospital that treated him said Wednesday, rejecting a report that the presidential candidate was poisoned.

"…Doctors are still running tests to try to determine what caused the illness, said Dr. Michael Zimpfer, the Rudolfinerhaus director.

"…Zimpfer rejected as ‘entirely untrue’ a story in the Wednesday edition of the London daily The Times, which quoted Dr. Nikolai Korpan – the Rudolfinerhaus physician who oversaw Yushchenko’s treatment – as saying that Yushchenko had been poisoned and the intention was to kill the candidate.

"Korpan also was quoted as denying making the remarks."

You mean the news media is – yikes! – biased??? The Times was … lying? Omigod, say it isn’t so!

Glenn was even busy implicating Vladimir Putin as the culprit. Evidence? Who needs evidence? Certainly not a professor of law….

To those of us with built-in BS-detectors, however, it wasn’t hard to anticipate this particular debunking. The Times story claims that the poisoning has been "confirmed," but somehow neglects to name the mysterious substance that supposedly disfigured Yushchenko’s once-handsome visage. Oh, and, even though the "poisoning" diagnosis is "confirmed," there’s just one minor complication:

"We need to check him again here in Vienna. If we received him today, we could finish the whole investigation in two or three days."

Unfortunately, however, according to the Times’s Jeremy Page — "reporting" from Kiev — "a spokeswoman said [Yushchenko] had no plans to travel to Vienna." Gee, so I guess that means the "mystery" wouldn’t be cleared up until … after the election. How convenient.

The key tip off, however, that the whole story was bogus from beginning to end is that the Cato Institute’s resident neocon and Karen Kean Lopez of National Review both believed it – and no doubt still do. Ideology trumps reality every time.

Nick Gillespie Says: “Mass Murder Is Debatable”

I’m watching Nick Gillespie, editor of Reason magazine, via the online video hook-up to the Cato Institute’s conference which is "debating" the Iraq war as if it were a controversial question among libertarians. His speech is all about how we have to have an "open discussion," and it is pitched in his best solipsistic style: but I have a question. How come we don’t have a debate about matters dear to Reason magazine’s heart, like drug legalization, gay "marriage," open borders, and other "lifestyle" issues?

Mass murder is "debatable." Nick Gillespie’s right to smoke a joint – or whatever – is not.

Next up: Ed Hudgins, of the "Objectivist Center," holds up a DVD claiming that it contains scenes of unspeakable torture by Saddam. This is supposed to be the "proof" that there is "no moral equivalence" between Iraq under Saddam and the U.S.

No mention of Abu Ghraib.

Hudgins implores us not to blame the people who are trying to fight the terrorists for "collateral damage." (And, he claims, those WMD are probably buried in the Bekaa Valley in Syria). He defends the trade embargo against Iraq, the tens of thousands who died because of it – because, you see, it’s all Saddam’s fault. Oh, but it’s "valid" – he concedes — for the Iraqis to "complain" about the "chaos" that followed the invasion. However, we mustn’t fall into the "nationalist excuse" – "what’s more important is "the moral question." Forget facts – Hudgins and his fellow "Objectivists" are much more comfortable with floating abstractions. I got a big kick out of his advocacy of an invasion of the U.S. if we are subjugated by a dictatorship. If, he says, South Korea, Taiwan, and New Zealand invaded us under those circumstances – why, that would be a good thing.

That it would generate mass support for the native dictatorship is not a possibility that the clueless Hudgins even thinks to entertain.

We are then treated to the usual neocon blather about exporting "freedom" and "democracy," with the added fillip on the part of Hudgins that we must "undermine tribalism and nationalism" in Iraq. Good luck, buddy. I propose we send Hudgins over there so he can take up this important task personally.

Ron Bailey, the science editor of Reason, gives his "libertarian" Trotskyist riff – we can’t have libertarianism in one country. It must be spread "at gunpoint," just as we imposed "freedom" on Japan and Germany during WWII. We must also spread "free trade" and open borders – but we can only do this if we conquer the entire world and set up "republics" that are essentially clones of ourselves. And you wondered why Reason magazine has taken the lead on the cloning issue!

This isn’t "libertarianism," of course: it is neo-Jacobinism.

The very articulate and informed Christopher Preble, director of foreign policy studies at Cato, demolishes Bailey’s feeble arguments: Preble, Robert Higgs, and Jacob Hornberger are left to give the libertarian position on all this, and I urge you to go to the Cato website and hear for yourself.

One interesting incident during the question and answer period: a Japanese man stated that, contra Mr. Bailey, Japan had a democratic system, however imperfect, established by the Meiji Constitution in 1889, some 50 years prior to the American occupation – and if the "informed intellectuals" of the Cato Institute don’t know this, how can we expect George W. Bush to know it?

In his final remarks, Kelley disavows being "enthusiastic" about the war, but nevertheless it falls to him, he avers, to explain the "principles" that dictate supporting it. Government does have some role to play: we mustn’t "hate" government, after all. He then segues into a vague exposition on the "positive goal" of having government promote conditions that enable Americans to interact with foreigners. We are in a state of nature in foreign affairs, because there is no world government: so government must play a role in the foreign arena as well. Ah, but this means that "rogue states" – which are not legitimate – must not be dealt with. (I warned you his theory was vague). Military force is "normally the last resort." There are other ways to ensure trade across borders. But no matter what instrument you use we are still making judgements about which policies are appropriate to which governments. He then comes up with a real whopper: The Hayekian law of unintended consequences is not applicable to foreign policy, because there is no reason that the results of inaction are any more unpredictable than taking action.

But couldn’t one make this same argument when it comes to domestic policy: that if we don’t’, say, take "action" to ensure that all people have government-subsidized healthcare, that there will be some horrific "consequence" of "inaction"? Why these universal principles supposedly stop at the water’s edge is a mystery that Kelley did not do a very good job of clearing up.

I have elsewhere made the argument that the Objectivists are living in a world of floating abstractions, and this is confirmed by Kelley’s discussion of what he calls "misplaced concreteness." According to him, we don’t need to know if Saddam Hussein really had "weapons of mass destruction." Or when he had them. We also don’t need to focus on Al Qaeda. Our enemies aren’t those who planned and executed the 9/11 attacks: it is "Islamism." Which means – although he does not say it – a war against a billion-plus Muslims. How is that in American interests? As the Objectivists like to say – "blank out"!

He is also not convinced that they are over here because we are over there. They are responding, but to the extent that that is the case, it doesn’t mean that we should cease and desist. "Maybe we are right to support Israel." Yeah, but maybe not: and does he support U.S. "aid" to Israel that amounts to billions per year while they shoot down Palestinian children in cold blood and demolish Palestinian homes? Israel’s policies are never mentioned – that would be a "misplaced concrete."

Protecting the stream of oil, according to Kelley, is also valid: "we’re trading." But U.S. and other Western oil companies are receiving enormous subsidies from the U.S. government, who are protected by our military. And whom does Kelley believe will be buying this oil – of course the West will buy it. There is no one else to sell it to. The question is: at what price? Are artificially low oil prices a good reason for us to go to war – because we "need" their oil at a price dictated by us? So much for the "free" market!

The complete ignorance of any concretes, "misplaced" or otherwise, exhibited by Kelley and Hudgins was really quite astonishing. For example, Kelley said that "Islamists reflect a movement that is much older than the nation of Israel: the key nexus is the Muslim Brotherhood, formed in 1929, in Egypt." Founded in 1928, the Muslim Brotherhood did not have much influence outside Egypt until the rise of the Israeli state, and the Nasserite alliance with the Soviet Union – opposed by Islamists — which gave it regional impetus. But that’s another one of those nasty "concretes" that the ideologue Kelley would rather not deal with.

Concluding, Kelley enunciates with stunning casualness a "principle" that, if applied consistently, would mean endless war, and not only with the Islamic world: Since they want to shut down Western export of American culture we have a "right" and a "responsibility" to fight Islamism "in any way we can." Gee, since Canada forbids the free importation of Hollywood movies and American magazines, does that mean we ought to be marching on Toronto?

Ted Galen Carpenter followed Kelley, and he wondered what I wonder: why the foreign policy question is so "divisive." He denounces the "libertarian crusading state" position advanced by Bailey: it’s good, he says, that the Objectivists have distanced themselves from that position. He points out the connection between domestic and foreign policy: there are certain inherent requirements of a policy of global interventionism. The first is a large military: we spend more than $400 billion a year. There are also social and political consequences, including inevitable changes in the political structure. Our present state of perpetual war means the empowerment of the executive, since Congress can’t debate each and every military move. Collective security means that we are dragged into every regional war, and he gives Estonia and Taiwan, as examples.

Carpenter compares the threat of nuclear war during the cold war to the terrorist threat today: a "civilization-extinguishing threat" versus what happened on 9/11. Are we better off today – you betcha!

He concludes by asking a vitally important question: how many lives is it worth to us to transform Iraq into a "free," democratic, capitalist state – 1,000? 5,000? 10,000? He says he doesn’t hear the question posed in these terms very often by the pro-war crowd. Gee, I wonder why….

Kelley and Hudgins, speaking for the Objectivists, said almost nothing about this question, and one would think, given the position of the "orthodox" Objectivists around Leonard Peikoff and the Ayn Rand Institute – who glory in the mass slaughter of those they admit are innocent civilians – that they would be at pains to do so. So I’ll take the opportunity to ask them, in a very public forum: What about the bloodthirsty position taken by self-proclaimed "Objectivists" on this question, including Ayn Rand’s so-called "intellectual heir"? If Kelley doesn’t endorse it, then why doesn’t he denounce it?

Nick Gillespie Says: ‘Mass Murder is Debatable’

I’m watching Nick Gillespie, editor of Reason magazine, via the online video hook-up to the Cato Institute’s conference which is "debating" the Iraq war as if it were a controversial question among libertarians. His speech is all about how we have to have an "open discussion," and it is pitched in his best solipsistic style: but I have a question. How come we don’t have a debate about matters dear to Reason magazine’s heart, like drug legalization, gay "marriage," open borders, and other "lifestyle" issues?

Mass murder is "debatable." Nick Gillespie’s right to smoke a joint – or whatever – is not.

Next up: Ed Hudgins, of the "Objectivist Center," holds up a DVD claiming that it contains scenes of unspeakable torture by Saddam. This is supposed to be the "proof" that there is "no moral equivalence" between Iraq under Saddam and the U.S.

No mention of Abu Ghraib.

Hudgins implores us not to blame the people who are trying to fight the terrorists for "collateral damage." (And, he claims, those WMD are probably buried in the Bekaa Valley in Syria). He defends the trade embargo against Iraq, the tens of thousands who died because of it – because, you see, it’s all Saddam’s fault. Oh, but it’s "valid" – he concedes — for the Iraqis to "complain" about the "chaos" that followed the invasion. However, we mustn’t fall into the "nationalist excuse" – "what’s more important is "the moral question." Forget facts – Hudgins and his fellow "Objectivists" are much more comfortable with floating abstractions. I got a big kick out of his advocacy of an invasion of the U.S. if we are subjugated by a dictatorship. If, he says, South Korea, Taiwan, and New Zealand invaded us under those circumstances – why, that would be a good thing.

That it would generate mass support for the native dictatorship is not a possibility that the clueless Hudgins even thinks to entertain.

We are then treated to the usual neocon blather about exporting "freedom" and "democracy," with the added fillip on the part of Hudgins that we must "undermine tribalism and nationalism" in Iraq. Good luck, buddy. I propose we send Hudgins over there so he can take up this important task personally.

Ron Bailey, the science editor of Reason, gives his "libertarian" Trotskyist riff – we can’t have libertarianism in one country. It must be spread "at gunpoint," just as we imposed "freedom" on Japan and Germany during WWII. We must also spread "free trade" and open borders – but we can only do this if we conquer the entire world and set up "republics" that are essentially clones of ourselves. And you wondered why Reason magazine has taken the lead on the cloning issue!

This isn’t "libertarianism," of course: it is neo-Jacobinism.

The very articulate and informed Christopher Preble, director of foreign policy studies at Cato, demolishes Bailey’s feeble arguments: Preble, Robert Higgs, and Jacob Hornberger are left to give the libertarian position on all this, and I urge you to go to the Cato website and hear for yourself.

One interesting incident during the question and answer period: a Japanese man stated that, contra Mr. Bailey, Japan had a democratic system, however imperfect, established by the Meiji Constitution in 1889, some 50 years prior to the American occupation – and if the "informed intellectuals" of the Cato Institute don’t know this, how can we expect George W. Bush to know it?

In his final remarks, Kelley disavows being "enthusiastic" about the war, but nevertheless it falls to him, he avers, to explain the "principles" that dictate supporting it. Government does have some role to play: we mustn’t "hate" government, after all. He then segues into a vague exposition on the "positive goal" of having government promote conditions that enable Americans to interact with foreigners. We are in a state of nature in foreign affairs, because there is no world government: so government must play a role in the foreign arena as well. Ah, but this means that "rogue states" – which are not legitimate – must not be dealt with. (I warned you his theory was vague). Military force is "normally the last resort." There are other ways to ensure trade across borders. But no matter what instrument you use we are still making judgements about which policies are appropriate to which governments. He then comes up with a real whopper: The Hayekian law of unintended consequences is not applicable to foreign policy, because there is no reason that the results of inaction are any more unpredictable than taking action.

But couldn’t one make this same argument when it comes to domestic policy: that if we don’t’, say, take "action" to ensure that all people have government-subsidized healthcare, that there will be some horrific "consequence" of "inaction"? Why these universal principles supposedly stop at the water’s edge is a mystery that Kelley did not do a very good job of clearing up.

I have elsewhere made the argument that the Objectivists are living in a world of floating abstractions, and this is confirmed by Kelley’s discussion of what he calls "misplaced concreteness." According to him, we don’t need to know if Saddam Hussein really had "weapons of mass destruction." Or when he had them. We also don’t need to focus on Al Qaeda. Our enemies aren’t those who planned and executed the 9/11 attacks: it is "Islamism." Which means – although he does not say it – a war against a billion-plus Muslims. How is that in American interests? As the Objectivists like to say – "blank out"!

He is also not convinced that they are over here because we are over there. They are responding, but to the extent that that is the case, it doesn’t mean that we should cease and desist. "Maybe we are right to support Israel." Yeah, but maybe not: and does he support U.S. "aid" to Israel that amounts to billions per year while they shoot down Palestinian children in cold blood and demolish Palestinian homes? Israel’s policies are never mentioned – that would be a "misplaced concrete."

Protecting the stream of oil, according to Kelley, is also valid: "we’re trading." But U.S. and other Western oil companies are receiving enormous subsidies from the U.S. government, who are protected by our military. And whom does Kelley believe will be buying this oil – of course the West will buy it. There is no one else to sell it to. The question is: at what price? Are artificially low oil prices a good reason for us to go to war – because we "need" their oil at a price dictated by us? So much for the "free" market!

The complete ignorance of any concretes, "misplaced" or otherwise, exhibited by Kelley and Hudgins was really quite astonishing. For example, Kelley said that "Islamists reflect a movement that is much older than the nation of Israel: the key nexus is the Muslim Brotherhood, formed in 1929, in Egypt." Founded in 1928, the Muslim Brotherhood did not have much influence outside Egypt until the rise of the Israeli state, and the Nasserite alliance with the Soviet Union – opposed by Islamists — which gave it regional impetus. But that’s another one of those nasty "concretes" that the ideologue Kelley would rather not deal with.

Concluding, Kelley enunciates with stunning casualness a "principle" that, if applied consistently, would mean endless war, and not only with the Islamic world: Since they want to shut down Western export of American culture we have a "right" and a "responsibility" to fight Islamism "in any way we can." Gee, since Canada forbids the free importation of Hollywood movies and American magazines, does that mean we ought to be marching on Toronto?

Ted Galen Carpenter followed Kelley, and he wondered what I wonder: why the foreign policy question is so "divisive." He denounces the "libertarian crusading state" position advanced by Bailey: it’s good, he says, that the Objectivists have distanced themselves from that position. He points out the connection between domestic and foreign policy: there are certain inherent requirements of a policy of global interventionism. The first is a large military: we spend more than $400 billion a year. There are also social and political consequences, including inevitable changes in the political structure. Our present state of perpetual war means the empowerment of the executive, since Congress can’t debate each and every military move. Collective security means that we are dragged into every regional war, and he gives Estonia and Taiwan, as examples.

Carpenter compares the threat of nuclear war during the cold war to the terrorist threat today: a "civilization-extinguishing threat" versus what happened on 9/11. Are we better off today – you betcha!

He concludes by asking a vitally important question: how many lives is it worth to us to transform Iraq into a "free," democratic, capitalist state – 1,000? 5,000? 10,000? He says he doesn’t hear the question posed in these terms very often by the pro-war crowd. Gee, I wonder why….

Kelley and Hudgins, speaking for the Objectivists, said almost nothing about this question, and one would think, given the position of the "orthodox" Objectivists around Leonard Peikoff and the Ayn Rand Institute – who glory in the mass slaughter of those they admit are innocent civilians – that they would be at pains to do so. So I’ll take the opportunity to ask them, in a very public forum: What about the bloodthirsty position taken by self-proclaimed "Objectivists" on this question, including Ayn Rand’s so-called "intellectual heir"? If Kelley doesn’t endorse it, then why doesn’t he denounce it?

The Trouble With Tucker

Jeffrey Tucker, of the Mises Institute, blogging on LewRockwell.com, takes me to task for “adoring” Patrick J. Buchanan’s new book, Where the Right Went Wrong:

    I’m happy that Justin adores Pat’s new book, and it may be as good as he says. But just last week, I happen to catch Pat on one of those Sunday TV shows and he was asked about what the US should do in Najaf. Bomb them, was Pat’s answer. Bomb them until they comply. It’s the only choice, he said, because otherwise “we” lose the war.

    My first thought was that Pat’s isolationist credentials make his call for violence all the more compelling (just as Cato’s call for overthrowing the Taliban was particularly valuable to the Bush administration). Perhaps that is the role that Pat is supposed to play: so that the regime can always say that even Pat Buchanan favors escalation.”

As a long-time aficionado of talking-heads policy-wonk shows, I have to say that Jeff fails to understand an important point: these guys (and gals) are paid to analyze, as well as give their opinions. What Jeff heard and saw (it was The McLaughlin Group) was Pat in his reportorial/analyst mode, wherein the goals and objectives of U.S. policymakers are assumed as the given, and the analysis proceeds from there.

By taking these comments out of context – the context of a show where Buchanan’s anti-interventionist views have been exhaustively expounded – Tucker makes it seem as though Pat is talking out of both sides of his mouth. But anyone who actually reads Buchanan’s book, or even any of his many newspaper columns on the subject, can easily familiarize themselves with his anti-interventionist views.

The key point to make here is that Pat, and the other members of The McLaughlin Group, aren’t paid to just give their opinions: after all, everybody has opinions. But journalists, on the other hand, are supposed to have a store of knowledge about the particular subjects they’re discussing, and this, theoretically, gives them some predictive power lacking in the rest of us mere mortals. Journalism is not only about reporting what is happening, but is also about the answer to the question on everyone’s lips: What will happen next? It’s not for nothing The McLaughlin Group ends each show with the Group’s predictions. This is what viewers are most interested in, far more than the moral pronouncements of the talking heads, and the transcript makes it crystal-clear that this is the context in which Pat’s comments appeared:

    John McLaughlin: “Pat Buchanan, is the assault on Najaf, including the bombing of al-Sadr’s residence, as we see it here, a good call or a bad call?”

    Pat Buchanan: “It is a necessary call, John. Allawi tried to bring al-Sadr into the process by offering virtual amnesty to him. We have left them alone. They continue to do battle. What you’ve got now is a strategic sanctuary in Fallujah and one in Najaf. And Allawi’s made this tough call, and the Americans agree with it. They’re going to take the risks attendant to it and go in and finish this guy off. I think, militarily and strategically, it is a tremendously risky decision. I think it’s a necessary decision and the right decision.”

The subject was Iyad Allawi: will he survive? What will he do about Moqtada al-Sadr? The decision to go in is “necessary” and “the right decision,” as Pat said, given the administration’s policy. But since these shows are basically a conversation, and the conversation wasn’t about the rightness or wrongness of the policy, Tucker’s interpretation of what was said is based on a very selective and fatally flawed hearing of what really went on in this segment.

Tucker avers that Newsweek’s Eleanor Clift gave the “right” answer, but he neglects to notice Pat’s concurrence with Clift:

    “There’s tremendous risks attendant. Eleanor’s right. There’s no doubt about it. It’s a great risk. This could explode. You could lose the Shi’as. But Tony [Blankley] is right in this sense. If you do not eliminate these two sanctuaries, Fallujah and Najaf, you are going to lose the war. That is what they’re playing with right now, and they’ve rolled the dice. And, no, we don’t know how it’s going to come out.”

Here Pat is clearly in his analytical mode: this, after all, is what journalists do.

If Tucker’s misinterpretation of what Buchanan meant seems oddly … deliberate – I mean, why is he cherry-picking his way through the transcript for evidence of heresy? – well, it is. In his LRC blog entry, Tucker refers (and links) to a piece he wrote recently about how conservatives – all conservatives – are somehow inherently militaristic:

    This is conservatism. There’s no use in denying it. The war party and American conservatism are interchangeable and inseparable. They are synonyms. The same thing. They co-exist. How many ways can we put it? Militarism and violence is at the core of conservatism.

    Some protest that conservatism once meant resistance to the welfare-warfare state. That is a fascinating piece of historiography, as interesting as the fact that liberalism once meant freedom from the state. Glasses were once called spectacles too, but in our times, language has it own meaning.

A key concept held in common by Tucker and the neocons: “in our times, language has its own meaning” – and history is “interesting,” but all this talk about the Old Right is bunk. I’m sure David Frum would agree. And isn’t it odd, but here’s another Tuckerite-Frummian convergence: they’re the only two people (so far) who are attacking Pat’s excellent book (and the author) in truly vicious terms. It’s incredible that Tucker actually has the nerve to imply that Buchanan is actually a pro-war mole sent into the antiwar camp to somehow rationalize the assault on Najaf: “perhaps that is the role that Pat is supposed to play” rants Tucker. And just whose orders is Pat following, Jeff? You really ought to lay off the Kool-Aid.

The important point here is that Tucker is simply wrong – and in a way that is injurious to the antiwar cause, and to the libertarian movement. Because there is indeed a flourishing revival of the Old Right: The American Conservative, Chronicles magazine, and lots of independent thinkers on the Right side of the political spectrum who despise the neocons, imperialism, and the Welfare-Warfare State. Thousands of conservative rank-and-filers, especially young people, are questioning neoconservative orthodoxy and discovering the suppressed anti-imperialist legacy of the Old Right. To assail these people as insufficiently pure is sectarian nonsense. David Frum wants these people to just go away, and so, apparently, does Jeff Tucker.

Fahrenheit 9/11: Another View

I think that Eric Garris, our esteemed webmaster, expected too much from this movie, and, with all the promotional controversy surrounding it, one can hardly blame him. I think we have to take Michael Moore’s movie for what it is, not for what we wanted it to be: it is not the definitive treatment of how and why we were dragged into this war, but a compendium of all the insights and prejudices of the American Left at this particular moment in history. As such, it is interesting and instructive, if occasionally off-the-wall.

The Saudi-bashing is indicative of the Left’s apparent inability to do anything but undermine its own ostensible program of peace: the Saudi-Bush family conspiracy theories are pure partisanship, however, and it seems to me that Moore is unaware of how this makes the case for a "civilizational" war against the entire Arab world. For example, it’s interesting that Moore gives a sinister intonation to the statistic that approximately 7 percent of the American economy represents Saudi investment, yet complains about the closing of factories in his Rust Belt home town.

The first 20 minutes of this movie are a near-complete disaster, but, for me, even this segment is redeemed by the shot of the vulpine Paul Wolfowitz licking his comb and then running it through his greasy locks. As for the rest of the film, why don’t you just check out my Monday column on the subject, (read it early) here.

Goodbye, Gancarski – and Good Riddance

Traumatized by rejection, our former columnist assumes a new – and weird — persona

Many writers have trouble taking rejection well. They’re sensitive souls, after all, and don’t like being told that their work, in a word, sucks. Anthony Gancarski, author of Unfortunate Incidents, and a former columnist for Antiwar.com, is a case in point. I rejected what was to have been the latest installment of his column – and he went over to the Dark Side.

Gancarski’s piece for Frontpage, detailing his conversion to the pro-war position, is distinctly … weird. There is, first of all, his description of his former beliefs:

"If someone had told me a few months ago that I’d be writing a piece for Front Page on this theme, I would’ve dismissed him as a lunatic. After all, then I was supporting the positions expected from those on the so-called antiwar right. I was harshly critical of Israeli defense initiatives, more willing to talk up for Noam Chomsky than the sitting President."

What has Noam Chomsky to do with the antiwar right? Precisely nothing. But to the readers of Frontpage, and apparently to Gancarski, there is little need to explain this seeming anomaly. And that is Gancarski’s great problem as a writer: he never explains, or argues, but merely asserts, without evidence, and without links. (This is the Internet, but you’d never know it from his polemics: in his current screed, we get not a single link out of him. This is the mark of a writer who expects us to take his word for everything.)

At any rate, according to Gancarski, his sojourn on the antiwar right meant that, "more or less without meaning to, I went hard-left." He turned to the right, and found he’d turned to the left. Say what? The man is dizzy with his own confusion.

He explains that he "moved over to Antiwar.com to write a weekly column for them at $25 a pop," and confides that "this was a raise from my Counterpunch pay." So, he didn’t like the pay: I trust the 30 pieces of silver from Frontpage affords him the satisfaction of knowing that he’s finally getting what he’s worth.

Gancarski claims that he began to have doubts when he started getting mail from "anti-Semites." why is this a reflection on Antiwar.com, and not on the content of his writing, he doesn’t say. He was also, he claimed, getting linked to by people he "wouldn’t let in his living room." Interview requests "were scarce," he complains, except for "a Muslim radio station in South Africa." Although we don’t make the email addresses of our writer public, poor Anthony complains that his mailbox was filling up with missives from MoveOn.org. Horrors! No money, few interview requests, and anti-Semites drawn to his work like moths to a flame — it was then that he began to have misgivings:

"I started to wonder — is my opposition to the US action in the Middle East, however noble and well-intentioned it seemed to me, actually playing into the hands of America’s enemies, strategic adversaries, and economic competitors?"

What "economic competitors" is Gancarski talking about? Is he saying he was duped – by the French? Or perhaps it was the Taiwanese. If only he’d stayed with Antiwar.com a little longer, we would’ve had him playing soccer!

Gancarski’s ranting directed at me makes little sense, until one realizes the real object of his frustration: we weren’t properly respectful of George W. Bush. He claims to have been shocked – shocked! – by my November 26 column, in which I take the President to task for counterposing the prospect of another 9/11 to four more years of Bushian rule. Gancarski writes:

"This set off a number of alarms. Who was Justin Raimondo? Why was he so lacking in respect for a sitting President? Did Raimondo even think how such a column might strike his own readers? I am still at a loss to understand it. When the column appeared, it was hard for me to read much it without revulsion."

Who was Justin Raimondo, indeed. Didn’t he read my columns? A random sampling of my writings over the past few years would’ve yielded plenty of statements to the effect that George W. Bush is the worst President we’ve ever had, bar none. His presidency is a disaster for the country, and the world: I’ve said it again and again, in so many different ways that it’s hard to believe that Gancarski was unaware of my views.

Poor Gancarski, the sleepwalker awakened: Yet I heard nothing from Gancarski about this column: not a note, not a peep of dissent. Our correspondence had been limited to notes from me to him, asking him to stop dashing off columns entirely bereft of facts, and please start putting a bit of effort into his pieces. These apparently stuck in his craw, germinating, at last, into a full-throated screech of rage.

Gancarski had approached us, asking him to give him a chance as a columnist: I agreed, based on his work for TAC. But I was beginning to have qualms. The man is a sloppy writer, all opinion and no facts, at least when he was writing for us: his pieces for The American Conservative were much tighter, and far more interesting. Why, I wanted to know, couldn’t he do the same for us?

Did he listen? No, as evidenced by his submission of a sorry excuse for a column which I reprint below, unedited and in full:

"Roger, Over and Out: What Moore can be said about Michael?

"Late one night recently, a pair of soused young ladies knocked on my door. The hallway was pitch-black, so I didn’t unlock the deadbolt before asking them what they wanted. ‘I want some sugar,’ one of them cried, ‘I am your neighbor! I just want to make you come-a…’ The reference to one of Howard Dean’s favorite songs scored points with me, so conversation continued through the quasi-confessional barrier of the closed door.

"What do you need sugar for? I asked, for lack of anything else to say. ‘To make Kool-Aid,’ they cried.

"I gave up no sugar and kept the door closed, and the girls galloped down the stairs and out of my building. I went out on the balcony and called to them: ‘I’d have given you sugar for cookies, but not Kool-Aid! Too many people need deprogramming already!’

"Their response — snapping each other’s thongs — indicated that my allusion was lost on these Paris and Nicole wannabes. Despite the bimbos‘ ignorance, the Kool-Aid discussion nonetheless reinforces my current read on political discourse; these days, it seems everyone has drank some toxic brew, causing them to lose their minds and babble on about Islamofascists or the International Jewish Conspiracy as the Present Danger that must be obliterated yesterday. All of which is nothing but the old familiar codewords for the converted and misinformation for marks."

Is it me, or does this long and patently unnecessary introduction make absolutely no sense? What is the point – I asked myself, as I read it – except to pad and exceedingly short and content-free column? Undeterred, and desperately hoping he’d somehow tie it all together, I pressed on:

"Which brings me to Michael Moore. [Ed. Note: At last!] I was in high school when Roger and Me came out, and watched it dutifully, thinking that the movie was interesting despite its viscerally repellent narrator. Later on, I caught episodes of Moore’s short-lived Fox series TV Nation, but my mind didn’t change about Moore. Even if I found myself agreeing with something he said, I found myself rejecting him as the messenger. He seemed too contrived. Yet I was unable to crystallize that criticism into anything more concrete even as Bowling for Columbine, his flick about gun violence, drove me straight into the arms of the NRA."

But why is Michael Moore "repellent"? I guess, since Gancarski describes him as "viscerally" so, the author feels no need to explain himself. But, then again, Gancarski never feels any need to explain himself: we are supposed to accept his subjective evaluations at face value, on faith. But this just won’t do: I’m prepared to accept that someone may be "viscerally repellent," but, dammit, I want to know why the author feels that way. Alas, introspection is not one of Gancarski’s strong points. But I digress:

"Moore’s friends are not in power right now, of course, and the filmmaker from Flint conveniently and reflexively opposes most anything the Bush team does. Fair enough — I have opposed aggression against Iraq since before Desert Storm, so I sympathize to a point. Despite agreeing with him on the issue of the War, my praise for him is necessarily tempered by my realization that the methods he uses to make the case against ‘full-spectrum dominance’ are sentimental, ill-considered, reductionist, and counterproductive; as long as Moore and others reduce the case against the war in Iraq to ‘human-interest’ prose, they will never succeed in stopping Washington’s wars on foreign soil. In the interest of ‘truth-telling,’ these mountebanks habitually sabotage their own positions."

But how and where does Moore utilize his alleged "method" in terms of "human interest prose" – and what, by the way, is "human interest prose"? The reader is not even given a clue, never mind an actual citation. It turns out that Gancarski’s anger is motivated by pure partisanship:

"A case in point is a recent essay by Michael Moore making the rounds. ‘Dean Supporters, Don’t Give Up.’ His point? That even though protests against the war in Iraq have accomplished precious little beyond getting Ramsey Clark some face time, Moore [a supporter of Wesley Clark on the basis of his "manner" and his ‘electability’] urges Deaniacs not to give up despite their candidate‘s Muskiesque collapse in Iowa and New Hampshire. ‘You have done an incredible thing. You inspired an entire nation to stand up to George W. Bush. Your impact on this election will be felt for years to come. Every bit of energy you put into Dr. Dean’s candidacy was — and is — worth it. He took on Bush when others wouldn’t. He put corporate America on notice that he is coming after them. And he called the Democrats out for what they truly are: a bunch of spineless, wishy-washy appeasers… Everyone in every campaign owes you and your candidate a huge debt of thanks,’ wrote Moore."

Is this the "human interest prose" – the "sentimental" reductionism – Gancarski is inveighing against? I don’t see it. Moore is merely praising the insurgent spirit that motivated the Deaniacs – and nowhere does Gancarski even attempt a critique. Instead, he turns to smearing:

"I’m sure Lyndon LaRouche will be giving Dean a call to thank him for the nudge. I bring up LaRouche purposely; he likely could sue Dean forcopyright infringement. The reductionist, slashing character assassinations of political opponents comes straight from the perennial candidate’s playbook, as does the Messianic self-indulgence. And I’m hard pressed to think of significant differences, leading me to wonder if Howard Dean is just warmed-over LaRouche with a bankroll. Time will tell, I reckon, whether Moore is a hackish flack or the real thing after all. My take? If it quacks like a flack, stay the hell back — if Moore goes down, he’ll take his ‘friends’ with him."

Again, we are asked to take Gancarski’s seemingly arbitrary assertions as canonical. But what, exactly, is the connection that the author discerns between Dean and LaRouche? Where is the evidence that Dean’s views resemble LaRouche’s? Gancarski doesn’t deign to regale the reader with the reasoning behind his effusion – and one gets the feeling that perhaps he feels they don’t deserve any reasons. He rails against "reductionism," "character assassination," and "self-indulgence" – but these are the very sins that he, as a writer, is guilty of!

I had no compunctions about rejecting this farrago of false analogies and smarmy smears. LaRouche, as is well-known, is a raving anti-Semite. Did Gancarski mean to imply that Dean – and Moore – were of the same ilk? In an email to me, he denied it – and I believe him. The big problem with Gancarski’s writing has always been his jarring malapropisms.

Gancarski’s reaction to the rejection of his piece was to fly into a rage. It is the mark of a truly unbalanced personality, however, that his anger seems to have pushed him into the abyss. Like the disturbed "Eve White" in The Three Faces of Eve, this trauma induced the creation of a new persona in the author, sprung , it seemed, from nowhere. Suddenly, the neoconservatives Gancarski had spent each and every column abusing were seen to have redeeming virtues:

"At least they understand the game America had to play for the foreseeable future. Attempting to create democracy in the Middle East can’t be airily dismissed as an imperialist policy objective — not when the security of the United States in an age of terror depends as much as it does on what goes on internally in Islamic countries, or on maintaining stable, reliable allies in the Persian Gulf, central Asia, and other volatile regions. Realizing that led me to an inconvenient conclusion: I had ‘outgrown’ the position that had gotten me started writing about politics seriously in the first place."

Today the neocons and their plans for "democracy" in the Middle East can’t be "airily dismissed," but it was only yesterday that Tony "Hot Air" Gancarski turned his blowtorch in their direction:

"The active duty military understands what the War on Terror is; a shell game for old men and their younger, flabby, soft-palmed, unctuous, duplicitous, and effete neoconservative adherents. All Hell will break loose domestically when these newly-embittered veterans find common cause with the elderly and the anarchists, and it looks like that day is coming soon enough."

And he accuses me of having a style that is "pure rhodomantade" [sic]! (He means rhodomontade, but spelling was never the great writer Gancarski’s strong point).

Gancarski absurdly berates me for my "physical remoteness from any of the real work being done in the War on Terror" – as if I’m supposed to plonk myself down in the middle of Baghdad in order to be able to write about – or have an opinion about – what is happening in Iraq. Really? We all await the news of Gancarski’s coming departure to the front lines of the "War on Terror" – will he be traveling in the company of his new sponsor, David Horowtiz?

In closing, Gancarski again refers to his paltry payment, and disdainfully notes that he’ll just have to do without the 25 bucks, but there is one big compensation: "I feel I’ve gotten my credibility and my country back."

Whether he had any credibility to begin with is an open question. In writing for us he could be witty, and pretty nasty in a way that was often amusing: but credible? I don’t think so.

One example: In writing yet another attack on Howard Dean, Gancarski’s big objection seemed to be that Dean had hired a former leader of the AIPAC, the pro-Israeli lobbying group, to work on fundraising. He seemed to imply that this somehow tainted Dean, in spite of the beating the candidate had taken about the desirability of taking an "evenhanded" approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. While I am no fan of Dean’s, this remark seemed intemperate enough for me to take him to task, albeit gently, in my column. He said nothing about it at the time, but when he wrote a long abusive letter on the occasion of his rejected column, he accused me of smearing him as an anti-Semite. I leave it to my readers to decide for themselves whether that’s what I was saying: in my view, I said no such thing. I offered, however, to clear the matter up in a future column. I never heard from him again, however – until he went public with his ridiculous article.

As for getting his country back, the volatile Gancarski needs to get his emotional equilibrium back, assuming he ever had any. If and when he does, he’ll find out he’s defected, not to the Real America, but to the fantasy land of David Horowtiz, where critics of a futile and unnecessary war are a "Fifth Column," ex-Trotskyites wander the halls hailing George W. Bush’s "global democratic revolution, and writers are free to vent their grudges without regard for truth, facts, logic, or common sense. No doubt he’ll be more comfortable there: and, at any rate, I’m sure the pay is a lot better.