‘Everything Libertarians and Liberals Get Wrong About Drones’ Wrong About Drones, Everything

46th_Expeditionary_Reconnaissance_Squadron_MQ-1B_Predator_Balad_AB_IraqIn the past few days, two different Atlantic writers have worried that drones are a “sexy” subject which often overshadow other issues. Now, Andrew Cohen’s article isn’t really about war or drones. It’s a reminder that it’s not only Anwar al-Awlaki who didn’t get due process. Thousands of other Americans aren’t getting theirs either. (It’s well worth reading.)

Amitai Etzioni, sociologist and former adviser to Jimmy Carter, wrote a different sort of piece — “Everything Libertarians and Liberals Get Wrong About Drones” — in which he scornfully dubs drones “the new cause célèbre” of certain folks who are missing the point and worrying about the wrong things.

Troubled that there’s no presidential authority for drone strikes? Etzioni offers up the Authorization for Use of Military Force, as if that disturbingly-broad document is the answer to executive and legislative excess, as opposed to one of its strongest mechanisms. No Congressional oversight for the program? Congress is “regularly briefed.” (Some members of Congress get limited information about the program.)

Concerned that the Department of Justice’s lethal force mandate of “imminent threat” is incredibly vague? Well, terrorists don’t wear uniforms!!! Some people, writes Etzioni, actually think that terrorists deserve some kind of judicial justice, not just a Hellfire missile. But “why should terrorist suspects be granted all the gold-plated protections available to Americans”? (Cohen must have cringed there.)

What if drone strikes provoke hostility abroad? “[T]hose who are inclined towards terrorism already loathe the United States for a thousand other reasons.” Stories of Pakistani and Yemeni citizens frightened to leave the house because of drones? Well, “we often have to rely upon reports from locals, who are notoriously unreliable.”

Do drones make war easier? No, long ago, bombs and airplanes were thought to be cold, clinical methods of killing that would make bloodshed easier. (Well — aren’t they? How did World War II manage to wipe out 60 million people, if not in great part to the ease of death from thousands of feet above?) And, asks Etzioni:

Would the people involved in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Yemen, and now in Africa be better-off if terrorists were killed in “hot” blood — say, knifed by Special Forces, blood and brain matter splashing in their faces? Would the world be better off if our troops, in order to reach the terrorists, had to endure improvised explosive devices blowing up their legs and arms and gauntlets of fire from AK-47s and rocket-propelled grenade launchers — traumatic experiences that turn some of them into psychopath-like killers?

Is it really just IEDs that lead to epidemic levels of Post-Traumatic Stress in veterans? Nothing soldiers do in war, or are trained to do, have anything to do with their often-fractured mental state? That deeply disingenuous paragraph is followed by another:

Beyond such considerations, there is so far no evidence that the extensive use of drones has made going to war more likely or its extension more acceptable. Anybody who has followed the United States’ withdrawal from Afghanistan and Iraq despite the recent increase in drone strikes should know better.

Anyone who just wrote the words “Pakistan, Yemen, and now Africa” should know better as well. What exactly does Etzioni think is happening in those nations?

Near the end, Etzioni stumbles over a few shards of good point. Drones are not in themselves the same as a bad foreign policy. They’re morally neutral technology. Generally more important than how wars are fought is whether they should happen at all. Boots on the ground are always worst. But just because drones are currently a popular, convenient shorthand for war — the journalist, activist, and occasional politician’s hook for worrying about foreign adventures — doesn’t mean that the new technology doesn’t itself raise new worries. Regardless, let drones be the segue we use to talk about war, as long as we’re talking.

3 Suspects Arrested in Boston Bombing Case: Updated

The Boston Police Department has announced — via Twitter — that three more suspects have been taken into custody in the Boston Marathon bombing case. “Details to follow….”

The Boston Globe describes the three as college students. Are two of them these guys?

Update: Answer to above question is yes. Here is the criminal complaint just unsealed.

Another Update: Robel Phillipos, 19, of Cambridge, Mass., is the third suspect arrested today in connection with the Boston Marathon bombing. First two charged with tampering with Dzhokhar Tsarnaev’s computer and  backpack: Phillops with making false statements.

 

Gitmo Prisoner’s Memoirs Prove Obama Is Full of Shit

The hoopla over President Obama’s statements on the Guantanamo Bay prison yesterday have obscured the reality of the situation. Sometimes broad talk of policy questions get in the way of the truly revealing details.

Mohamedou Ould Slahi
Mohamedou Ould Slahi

But now we have an opportunity to get really specific. In 2006, Mohamedou Ould Slahi finished a memoir detailing his capture in 2001, his rendition flights to Jordan and Afghanistan, and finally his torture and mistreatment at the hands of US interrogators while serving time in Guantanamo Bay prison. After more than a decade in prison, he has never been charged with a crime.

For a time, Slahi’s memoir was kept a secret by the U.S., which refused to let him publish it. Now, it is being partially published, although with heavy redactions. Slate has posted a three-part series of excerpts from Slahi’s 466-page partially declassified manuscript.

What does this have to do with Obama’s sweeping criticisms yesterday of the indefinite detention center at Guantanamo?

When the Bush administration sent Slahi to Jordan to be tortured, investigators were trying to pin him for involvement in the so-called “Millennium Plot,” a terrorist plot hatched in Canada to blow up Los Angeles International Airport on New Year’s Eve 1999. Years earlier, Canadian intelligence and Slahi’s own government in Mauritania had cleared him of any involvement, which obviously didn’t matter to the Bush administration. But then after eight months of interrogation, Jordanian authorities also concluded Slahi had nothing to do with the Millennium Plot. That’s when the US snagged him again, flew him to Bagram and then to Guantanamo.

“The man first assigned to prosecute [Slahi], Marine Corps Lt. Col. Stuart Couch, withdrew from the case when he discovered Slahi had been tortured,” writes Larry Siems in Slate‘s introduction to Slahi’s memoirs. “When Couch’s boss, former Guantánamo chief prosecutor Col. Morris Davis, met with the CIA, the FBI, and military intelligence in 2007 to review Slahi’s case, the agencies conceded they could not link him to any acts of terrorism.”

Then, in 2010, U.S. District Court Judge James Robertson granted Slahi’s habeas corpus petition and ordered his release. The Obama administration appealed that ruling and to this day refuses to release Slahi, who has been cleared of any involvement in any terrorist plot by every imaginable government investigator that could conceivably be involved in his case.

And that’s why Obama’s statement that Guantanmo “needs to be closed,” is utterly meaningless.